World Cup FIFA, class struggle and the task of the revolutionary anarchists ----
Communiqu? No. 40 of the People's Union Anarchist (UNIPA) ---- The workers, women and
oppressed peoples of Brazil, for poor and marginalized youth, To the black blocks,
midiativistas and other activists, anarchists and revolutionaries To the fighters of the
people throughout the country, militants With sincere but misguided, on the basis of
reformist organizations. ---- The month of June 2014 arrived. A year after the popular
uprising fact occurred with the start of the official events of the "FIFA World Cup"
(Confederations Cup) will start the main event. As indicated several times, the protests
of June 2013 marked a new stage in the class struggle. And the event approaching can add
new components yet.
The UNIPA still fighting battles on several fronts since 2013 and assumed the role of
reformism not only report, but to create an alternative organization of the masses. Waging
battles in the streets, at meetings of various categories and workplaces, studying and
living always putting constructive forms of struggle. We are facing the PT PCdoB, the
repressive state apparatus and its minions of ideological propaganda.
Despite the inequality of forces in the struggle, not capitulate and not recoil. We have
fulfilled our role to advance the agitation, propaganda and popular organization. And more
than that: we are among the few revolutionary to put the task to compete in the global
labor movement organizations. That is why we now present our analysis and we set our tasks
and we call upon the unity of revolutionaries and anarchists to fight in the coming period.
We can say that three scenarios are presented in the next period. 1st scenario, one that
the bourgeoisie and the state design of a control and dissipation of the protests of 2013,
with the control of the framework and its manifestations in the order; 2nd scenario,
radicalized protests, but with a smaller membership, so that the mass revolutionary
sectors at a disadvantage against reformism and repression; 3rd scenario, an extension and
/ or intensification of protests in relation to 2013, with mass insurrectionary tactics
that can lead to a temporary collapse of the political system (with multiple simultaneous
general strike or strikes).
We believe that the cycle of class struggle started in 2013 will not be interrupted. But
that does not mean we necessarily assume that a repeat of 2013. Means that the objective
and subjective conditions are given and that several elements point to have large mass
mobilizations. But regardless of which scenario will be confirmed is important: 1) combat
vanguard (revolutionary and reformist-bureaucratic), so that the masses determine the
dynamics and intensity of the struggle; 2) develop from the experience of street fighting
new forms of organization that may further break with state unions, the labor capitalism
and the bourgeois forms of organization.
But this will happen around very specific topics. And that's what we indicate in our
analysis we consider the fundamental tasks of the present moment is.
1 - The environment and class polarizations: Will not Go Tue Tue Cup x Cup (Copa In and Go
Fight Tue)
Strikes rebels took over the Brazilian transportation system, trampling pelegos unions,
governments and effectively pushing the bosses.
The popular uprising of 2013 was the beginning of a new cycle. After the street protests
and insurrectional tactics that prevailed in it, we had to shift the strikes of categories
(teachers, street cleaners, road were the most emblematic cases). As we said the uprising
expressing class contradictions. And in this sense that the fights of June if desdobrassem
in the struggles of the categories in the workplace was a logical development.
Exactly why the slogan that emerged in the streets "There's Having Cup" expressed the
feeling of resistance and fight against polar capitalist offensive that is the material
basis of the "cultural" event. Certainly the slogan "Do not Go Tue Cup" is not against the
football event "in itself", but against aggression and social oppression that he demanded.
And express an ideological break with the vision of "passive people", the "domesticated"
by the people "bread and circuses".
But since the popular uprising bourgeois sectors (PMDB, PSDB, DEM, etc..), Pro-government
(PT and PCdoB) and paragovernistas (SoL, PSTU) and arms of mass assumed the task of
defending the capitalist model and the bourgeois order. The Campaign "Go Tue Cup" and "The
Cup Will Have Fight" were two ways to defend the same ideology: the myth of invincibility
need or the capitalist state and bourgeois society, not only repression but of bourgeois
ideology. Attempted to discredit and criminalize the popular sectors in struggle.
The ruling bourgeois and has a clear role: they are defending their project power and
alliances with national and international capital. Defend the slogan "Go Cup" was to
defend the process of capital accumulation and it is based on political speech
"nationalist" that Brazil is the homeland of Shoes (myth built from the Estado Novo). But
the slogan "In World Cup Will have Fight" means what? It is the cry of despair of the
consented opposition, those who want to defend the system, but can not take it because
they clearly need to remain as "opposition."
Fought in various categories and popular organizations such policy. The argument of the
governing and paragovernistas was absurd: the ruling spoke that the movement against the
World Cup was the "right". The paragovernistas said the World Cup was "inevitable" that
the World Cup will happen and that people "want the Cup" because football is part of the
Brazilian "culture."
These arguments have two assumptions. They ignore 1st class conflicts, the violence of the
protests and economic struggles that put much of the mass against the interests involved
in the Copa, speaking as if the working class were homogeneous; 2nd they consider that
bourgeois ideology was assimilated by the working class and that once assimilated it can
not be beaten, leaving organizations fit the limitations of bourgeois ideology. As a
consequence the derived policy was open or defense of inertia (with complete paralysis of
actions that were intended to defeat the capital, as it is considered that this is
impossible) or conducting mock fight.
But the policy of the governing is already unmasked. The policy paragovernistas PSOL and
PSTU what? They prevented the "Do not Go Tue Cup" campaign came to the broad and strong
categories such as civil servants. Prevented this discussion were placed in the
foundations and approved in a Summit Campaign "In Fight Cup'll have." Moreover, they
fought by all means the construction of the general strike. And in the categories in which
they have leadership try to prevent strikes or cause them suited to legalism, avoiding
"losses" to the operation of the system during the World Cup (as has happened in the
strike of the road Rio de Janeiro).
In fact is not that the slogan does not find an echo among workers. Rather, it came from
them. Is not that impossible. The fact is that government supporters and paragovernistas
systematically work against the general strike. They work as firefighters to prevent the
fire from spreading rebellion. They are part of the factors that hinder this process. So
fight the union bureaucracy is so important, so please do not fight, you must construct
the revolutionary syndicalism as a form of mass organization.
Subway (SP) resist police repression anti-strike.
Our policy was clear. Build the General Strike. Defend the real possibility of defeat
capital. It is possible the general strike? You can stop the World Cup? Yes "It will not
be Cup" is not just a slogan. The indigenous movement stopped the tour of the World Cup in
Brasilia, direct mass action prevented this. But these actions only take place precisely
because there is no indigenous organizations in the presence of these sectors to
desarticularem resistance, break fights. The outbreak of strikes in various categories
shows that the working class wants to break the pact with the capital. But are many
obstacles, such as sections of the movement who want to halt the advance.
Hence the slogan "Do not Go Tue Cup" expresses the class antagonism. Defend this slogan is
the only way at this juncture to express anti-capitalism globally. But it is possible to
transform the watchword in actual fact? This depends on the capacity and speed of own
class to overcome union bureaucracy and the ruling party and paragovernista. Can a
national general strike and mass actions also, but today the bourgeois state has a
combined pro-government and paragoivernistas action to try to disrupt this mass action and
the general strike, through the defense of a corporatist political and fatalistic.
We do not indicate this as a moral indictment. We know there are sincere in militant
bases-government party and trade union organizations and paragovernistas. But precisely
because it is a theoretical and political analysis, the mere subjective and generic
defense is not enough to fight militants exempt from liability. We need those militants
break with their directions and to launch the construction of forms of struggle that can
meet the current historic tasks. Not doing this will become complicit in one of the
greatest betrayals in the history of world workers.
Anarchists and revolutionaries also fits not only report, but building alternatives.
Therefore it is essential to launch the slogan of the general strike and the construction
of the Inter Strike Committee as a concrete form of action and to generalize the actions
of mass protest all over Brazil, strengthening the organization by place of work, study
and housing.
2 - The myth of the death of Homeland Shoes: crisis of political representation, economic
crisis and ideological crisis
Regardless of the scenario, regardless of the working class have the ability to
materialize in reality the slogan which she forged in the struggles of the popular
uprising, the process of struggles will leave an unexpected legacy Cup. The death of the
myth of "the homeland of cleats," greatest symbol of nationalism in Brazil.
The strength of the trade union bureaucracy and state repression can be enough to
momentarily ensure that the working class is not able to take a blow to the global
accumulation of capital and the bourgeois (the stoppage of the World Cup would have
economic and ideological purposes ideology, for it would destroy definitely the myth of
invincibility of the capitalist system and compromise the investments). But new forms of
struggle certainly gave a deep blow to the myth of "homeland of cleats."
This myth has been built to give unity to a society marked by ethnic contradictions, class
and regional. The idea that Brazil only exists as a nation unified around football was
used in many contexts as a political weapon. But after the popular uprising, even at the
lowest strata of the population there is the feeling that "football" does not unify their
interests with the "nation" as opposed to the interests of entrepreneurs Soccer sacrificed
popular interests (health, education, housing). We can say that the World Cup,
contradictorily, will leave as one of its legacies, disillusionment with football as a
means of national integration. This is a crisis of bourgeois ideology that has weakened
one of its main instruments.
This crisis adds to two other crises. The political crisis (the representativeness of
trade unions and parties) explained that the popular uprising and intensified. Workers do
not feel represented and view existing organizations as enemies of their interests.
Moreover, the global economic crisis is beginning to hamper capital accumulation in
Brazil. Ie, an economic crisis will soon be added to ideological and political crisis, so
that the capital will have to step up attacks on the working class, but without the
ideological and political tools he had before, or at least without their the same efficiency.
Therefore, even if a new popular uprising occurs, even if the union bureaucracy and party
can sabotage the struggle and thereby assist in hosting the World Cup and in the process
of capital accumulation, this situation does not express an overall defeat of class
working. Rather, it expresses the momentary inability of its autonomous constitution.
These three seizure does not necessarily lead to the formation of an alternative.
Therefore it is necessary to the formation of a militant structure that can respond to
each situation and combat governismo paragovernismo and creating alternative forms of
organization. This is the task of revolutionary anarchists, the barricades on fire forge a
new mass organization.
Skip to Fight without Fear!
Daring to Struggle, Dare to Win!
Will not have Cup!
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