At the time of preparing the European elections next June, what lessons electoral attempts
left reformist currents? ---- The PCF has held so almost exclusively from 1945 until 1988,
the electoral terrain of reformism therefore calling for the progressive construction of a
socialist society. ---- Thereafter, the application Juquin, former leader of the PCF, will
generate real momentum in 1988 through support committees that eventually water coil, for
the same reasons that campaign committees against the European Constitutional Treaty (ECT)
later will not lead: the only possible agreements between reformists and revolutionaries
consistent investing the electoral terrain can only be punctual. ---- Redials 2000s ----
But the idea taps activist circles generation 68 all that revolutionary prospects look
away [ 1 ].
In 2002, the PCF is in the middle of a field of ruins, its candidate ending up behind the
LO and the LCR! The leadership of the LCR then embarks on the adventure of the NPA. She
hopes to lead left the project for a new party that seeks in activist circles since 1995,
with one hand, the appearance of "social movements" during the strike and the other 5% of
LO Presidential.
The initial success of the NPA makes urgent response to the reformist left: M?lenchon
accelerates its break with the PS to create the Left Party (PG) that directs an iron hand
and the PCF finally found a leader for the presidential ahead. The Left Front (FdG) was born.
The NPA leadership, after the CSF is (more or less secretly) deeply divided on the
political project of the NPA. Is it a revolutionary party and cleverly redesigned using
the forum of the election, or is it to win seats in the elected institutions to build and
manage a coherent reform project, which would be the only possible within a period of
reflux struggles? Electoral failures NPA will burst these contradictions and the party
with several currents from the NPA finding ultimately under the common roof of reformers
FdG [ 2 ].
Between reformism and realism
But FdG is perfectly unstable. Not only because it is the ground of excessive ego games.
But more fundamentally because of electoral realism that requires to be elected beyond
postures and proclamations, to eventually make an alliance with the PS, if the first round
as the PCF municipal, at least for the second round all the others! It is at this precise
moment that the FdG stumbles, loose line of a coherent reformism and loses the confidence
of those who have understood that no alliance is possible with the PS defends capitalism
as well that a right-wing party.
Once past the showdown for the internal composition of the lists to European, the FdG will
maybe find a little time to breath a European election, playing on one turn, allows to
forget about the second round. But the problem remains unsolved and unsolvable: no or very
few elected without agreement with the PS!
Jean-Yves (AL 93)
[ 1 ] The PSU then the AC will ultimately always orbited by the PCF via local elected on
the lists of union led by the PCF.
[ 2 ] This does not exclude some activists and some belief in building a "revolutionary"
faction within the FdG by some Trotskyist orthodoxy.
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