Occurred in the last 14 and May 15 the election of the Students' (DCE) at UNB. It not only
expresses a particular context of the university, but also a copy to understand the
domestic political context case. We live in a historic moment in our country and the
world. The June days of 2013 fundamentally altered the situation, giving rise to a new
cycle of class struggle where the pro-government parties and organizations are no longer
hold the monopoly of popular speech and action. At this juncture, any party or social
organization is exempt from criticism, or rather organizations and their activists are
charged by the masses and by history. In this sense, we can not afford to omit the
opportunist character and degenerate political choices of some groups in this important
election of the student movement.
Right, organized in Plate 1 "Alliance for Freedom" (composed by a group of the same name)
reached the third term with a significant vote, 52% of the valid votes. Even adding all
the votes of the other competitors plates if I could win it. Even if this is an important
data (regarding support, conscious or not, of an important sector of the neoliberal
university-bourgeois project), which deal here is less quantitative factors itself and
more qualitative relationship that provides such a configuration and what are the
"alternatives" presented to estudantada.
The group Alliance for Freedom is not accidental, but the conflict permanently classes in
the student movement. Arose in the context of post rectories occupations of 2007-2008
where dozens of occupations occurred in the country, including UNB, these occupations who
rejected the UNE and bureaucratic methods, but also lacked a direction and militant
organization which could extend the learning in ups and downs of the struggle (many of
them being defeated). Several groups of students liberals and conservatives have been
popping up in some universities as a reaction to this radicalization of the movement. The
social basis of this reaction was and is fundamentally bourgeois students and "average" of
courses related to the accumulation of capital (engineering, management) and the state
bureaucracy (political science, law, etc..) - It's little wonder in engineering (FT and
FGA) plate 1 won 1850 votes, or 18.9% of total voters.
At UNB and some other universities these groups have managed to win the central
directories with a bourgeois program in defense of police on campus, more businesses and
private foundations, technology park, against odds, more parking, etc.. They feature the
cynical liberal discourse of denial of ideologies and parties, advocating an efficient,
pragmatic and technical DCE. According to these young playboys, politics is no longer the
space of class conflict, politics is room for specialists, holders neutral knowledge that
will "solve problems" in order to "make things work". However, make efficient technical
and hides the maintenance of unequal structures in the discourse of "for all" (denial of
class struggle). Ie the non-ideology is itself ideological and placed at one pole of class
conflict, however, with the defender takes dominant pole airs conservative cynicism
putting up any opponent, after all, within your business logic the only possible opponent
would be another "more efficient" group to which students would vote / buy by free
competition.
Meanwhile, UNB in the UK was privatized and created a gourmet sector, the poor and housing
students are constantly being attacked by the rector Ivan Camargo, public transportation
sucks in college. We mean that for a large sector of proletarians students can not follow
the rules of the game, keeping the status quo and the bureaucratic structure of the
academy. well as in the June days, where the people rejected, not by an awareness of "the
left" but by practical experience, the "efficient" spot of stalling, the bills, the
peaceful and orderly demonstrations, so should be done in universities. said methods
Therefore, it is necessary and possible to unmask the liberal-conservative discourse based
on reality National. Direct action is not an intellectual invention, is a tried and
legitimated by broad masses practice.
However, this liberal-conservative wing is not alone in limbo, working without conflicts
or opponents. In general it replaced opportunistic sectors left and in the case of UNB the
ruling UNE / EN who were in authority since the occupation of the rectory in 2008. Marked
the end of the occupation and the capitulation of PSTU SoL (then managed DCE) to design
legalistic and bureaucratic UNE (PT and UJS), jointly defending vacating the building with
only the resignation of the rector and won a number of "commitments" without the slightest
guarantee of effectiveness. Coming out victorious in practice, won the ruling entity.
However, marked by typical opportunism of the defenders of the federal government,
boycotts and demonstrations to general meetings of non-autonomy in the former rectory of
Jose Geraldo, and mainly by a progressive liberal politics and the status quo, management
ruling (DCE and rectory) fell to the Political emptying in demoralization. To get an idea,
the Alliance won the election for the first time (2010), the hegemonic discourse of
governismo was critical to "quadradismo of meetings", "by new methods of consultation",
reinforcing the liberal argument (and parliamentarism student) that empties the legitimacy
of collective spaces [1] .
Since the first term of the Alliance for Freedom parties "left" remained, as it should be,
its opportunistic conduct an "opposition" which appears only in election authority without
work consistent basis without a qualitative combat root of the liberal-bourgeois
conception expressed by the Alliance (now simply disappearing, as did the ruling, now
acting upon factoids and childish and superficial criticism, like to-government). In
addition, other groups emerged in the fauna of student groups "left" as the Honestinas,
driven by PSB and SoL and becoming the legitimate representative of the petty-bourgeois
ideology university (sustainable entrepreneurship, pacifism, etc..).
However, none of them could destabilize the foundation of liberal elitism of the Alliance,
why? First of all they held in their methods to conquest the official apparatus of the DCE
as a central element of politics, and this method are taken to adapt to opportunism since
that time, the average student awareness, to get votes, to get numbers . According to that
party left represents one facet "left" of the student parliamentarism, is not an
alternative to this. Third, the ruling parties (PT and PCdoB) are objectively agents of
neoliberalism in the Brazilian university implemented by Lula and Dilma therefore unable
to take the ultimate consequences combating neoliberal-right politics, except in
superficial and petty political form, as we have seen in these last elections. The defense
and the consequent radical direct action and a classist / popular program is the only
possible alternative to parliamentary-Business Alliance program, even if quantitatively
and immediately she is not "winning".
PSTU, SoL and PT joined on plate 4. "The good son returns home."
We analyze now more informed as to Plate 4 "manifest". Plaque was a great "united front"
of almost all this left which we described above (Ring / PSTU, AE / PT, JR / PT, Together
/ SoL, Let the Fight / SoL, STREET / Insurgency / SoL, Honestinas / SHE / SoL and Popular
Lift Youth). Expression was also the domestic political context and how the reformist
parties have reacted to this situation. Since the June days the party bureaucracies
("left" and right of Members to junior bureaucrats) are politically isolated from the
people, discouraged by this isolation and the swamp of opportunism which does not intend
to leave (because they could not deny without themselves) the parties sought makeup
demoralization and isolation with a quantitativist merely formal (no real bases mobilized)
and empty project. speech was weak through the jargon "Most sheet" that sought their
self-legitimation. That is why the political defeat had already occurred even before the
vote. Liberal discourse not only had won, he had been introduced, "adopted", said the
biggest slate of "opposition": 4 plate reached the limit of defending entrepreneurship
among junior companies and private funding of university and those who said "critical"
within the plate lowered his head, all the apparatus. Within a month of the World Cup and
no blunt criticism of government policy, no concrete position on mega-events, nor on the
anti-people fascist repression implemented by the PT and the bourgeoisie.
The opportunist left (especially PT and PCdoB), for their exemplary betrayals students and
workers, is right in the anteroom of "power", not only in UNB, but in Brazil and
worldwide. The (even dictatorial) rightist reactionary historically is the result of an
unfinished revolution, or a frustrated reformism. Accordingly, the election of DCE at UNB
is not an unrelated episode of political and historical reality of the current national
and international situation. She demonstrates a contradictory trend that had already been
expressed in the June days of 2013 and will tend to deepen this year's World Cup and state
elections: the desperate appeal of the ruling parties to convene the "unity of left versus
right" in order Dilma's government to shield and mask your real bourgeois and militaristic
nature. Ie, appear to combat charge created by themselves.
So what's elections DCE at UNB show on the domestic political context is that: 1)
Pressured by the radicalization of the class struggle in our country's governing parties
have a need to revive the electoral opportunistic parameters from a Left Opposition versus
Right in order to prolong their political breath, giving reason for its own existence,
creating false antagonism between the political project of the right and of themselves; 2)
This farce service of governing parties (and endorsed in practice by the "left
opposition") has the intention to mask the essential class conflict that develops in
Brazil, where the PT operates the advancement of state-repressive tyranny and offensive
against the people (along with the bourgeoisie and the right itself); 3) The "left
opposition" (Psol and PSTU) is demoralized, which is unable to take a step forward in
dealing with the state and capital, and also for his electioneering and bureaucratic
politics are forced to lower his head to the CUT UNE and in anticipation of entering the
slice of cake at the negotiating table, the amounts of union dues, etc..; 4) so we can get
the real truth of this dispute DCE: Unlike bastard speech used by pro-government in June
2013 and endorsed by all these opportunist left DCE elections, is not the people fighting
combative form in the streets, strikes that trampled on the scabs, or in student
oppositions that are not sold the "oneness" with the governing UNE, these are not the
right that strengthen unions, on the contrary, they are the only possible alternative to
respond responsibly and consequent advancement neoliberalism and militarism in
universities, schools, neighborhoods and workplaces.
The space of the student bodies previously occupied the left opportunist should not be
occupied by the right, much less back in the hands of opportunists. Building an autonomous
and combative student alternative is a necessity not only in UNB, but throughout the
country. We are certain that the discourse of "unity of the left", "unity against direct",
will be used again to try to breathe new life into decaying union bureaucracy and
partisan. As were used in the June days (and in the failed July 11 trade union central)
and the trade unions and student bodies elections, will be used in the appealingly
bourgeois state elections this year. "The right will remove rights" they say. But what the
ruling has to say about the genocide in the periphery and in the field under his command?
About casualization and privatization of education, health and transport? About the fable
of "land reform"? Or the imperialist submission to FIFA?
It is for all these reasons we believe that the only legitimate representative of a
combative and popular trend in the elections was the DCE Plate 3 "Open UNB To Quebrada" ,
composed of activists and supporters of the Student Network and Combative Classista -
RECC. The panel was comprised of individuals and collectives based on a trajectory of
committed and everyday activities in many university courses, and especially with a clear
conception about the Brazilian, the recent popular struggles, education and the potential
role that the student movement can play guided by the direct action and grassroots
democracy. Plaque 3 was the only one expressed in loud voices from the streets of "will
not have crown", the critique of the elitism of UNB and defense of a popular university in
the service the working class, defending direct action and the general strike as central
methods of struggle. Moreover, the plate has developed a massive campaign to expose the
bourgeois project of the university and society behind the "pragmatic" discourse of plate
1, terminate peleguismo brazen plate 2 (UJS / PCdoB CNB / PT, DS / EN) and opportunism of
the plate 4. We are certain that the comrades students, daughters and sons of the people,
will in the course of struggles and battles recognize your friends and enemies, breaking
away of illusions, and know their generous deposit energy in combative via radical
transformation of society.
Viva classist and combative student movement!
Under the reformist tendency and the liberal-conservative trend!
For a university open to the broken, the people of the countryside and the city!
Has no rights, will not have crown!
-
Notes:
1. According to analysis of the ICC Opposition DCE: "The 'Alliance' is born out of a split
from UEI (Independent Students Union, which was against the strike of teachers and
employees and against the occupation of the rectory), however, the other party This crack
will compose exactly managed "to make different" Articulation of the PT in 2009.
"(Germinal, No. 24, Nov / Dec 2011). The snake was being created - were two faces of the
student parliamentarism.
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