Nucleo Negro Anarchist collective - SOCIAL STRUGGLES IN BRAZIL AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF PEOPLE POWER (pt)

Neither the center nor periphery: other geographies, calendars and pedagogies ---- June 
2013 is a milestone for Brazil: singular moment in its historical process of social 
struggles in the recent period. There is a widening of the margins of our political 
season. The demonstrations took our streets and oxigenaram social atmosphere with an air 
of challenge to the existing order allow us more space to decolonize political gimmicks 
controlled by the ruling power. ---- No wonder we talk about Spring Brazilian. But this 
spring not bear fruit by mere spontaneous generation: sometimes you need to work harder 
now more smoothly, so there is a reality worthy to be called so and that its fruits become 
fed our table of solidarity and class independence. ---- We need to learn differently 
engaged / in the social practices that foster this another perspective to build our own 
horizons.

For this reason we speak in other geographies, calendars and pedagogies. Within the 
class struggle, we must change many logics of knowledge-power that already originemos our 
horizons, occupying the space and time to gestate what we want to give birth.

Dai also spoke neither center nor periphery. Against any form of centralized power that 
necessarily builds its banks and creates class antagonism: oppressors (explorers / elitist 
/ center) and the oppressed (exploited / popular / periphery). Our trench is against the 
schemes of domination that historically have been developing, managing to overcome the 
forces of resistance that have not yet progressed to a level of organization that enable 
them to be more powerful victoriously before the fight.

We develop here a critical analysis and purposeful to strengthen the fighting field left 
to tackle neoliberalism and collaborate in the construction of Popular Power.



The Free Pass Movement in the class struggle

The MPL is the result of an experience of struggle with about ten years inside a central 
theme that is public transport, in the jargon of rights, a right-half, tied the other. A 
law that influences the conditions for the exercise of free movement of persons in the 
social space-time, interfering in shaping the subjectivities and social imaginary, the 
material and immaterial conditions of the tense social regulation-resistance relationship.

In this context, the MPL has an important potential role fomenting popular revolt. A 
social movement in the opposite direction of privatizing logic and legitimating of 
appropriations that commercialize the means necessary for living: transport must serve 
social subjects can be carried over in order to access or even create the most diverse 
paths to its destination. It relates to what has been called the city right.

Many people can just move or seeking alternative means: walking or biking, which are two 
limited alternatives, according to the people. The motorized technologies that enhance the 
means to meet this need the free transit are submitted to the fields of capitalist private 
property that tries to naturalize so retroalimente entire chain of capital accumulation 
while ensuring better conditions for the maintenance of gear production of economically 
useful and politically docile to all kinds of authoritarian systems subjectivities.

With this level of exploitation that is intended perpetuate the domination of mind or 
physical force, the social environment constitutes something like a powder keg ready to 
explode. Hence we can say that the MPL contributed to lit the spark that was missing to 
hatch a broad insurgency fruit of a huge range of effects of capitalist domination. 
Despite what may be historical accident, it is important to recognize the role of this 
movement permanently promote the idea of Free Pass which influences the collective will of 
reaction, pulsing spirit of combativeness and contained in the arteries of the body politic.

We understand the Free Pass as part of what we call libertarian field, which is expressed 
in its principles. Federalism, horizontality and social self-management are some of the 
bases of this collective that subverts the rules of the authoritarian and neoliberal 
political game drinking fountain and organized the libertarian tradition, even being a 
more open movement in relation to others who have a harder structure.

It is no coincidence the convergence of this militant spirit with enormous social 
dissatisfaction with institutionalized politics. Importantly, the level of saturation with 
this system has grown, which, in theory, creates better conditions in the social 
environment to sow the seeds of grassroots organizing, cultivating the conditions for 
strengthening the militant culture of the people. The fighting in the street needs to be a 
school, but it alone is not enough to advance in social force that can change the current 
geography of power.



Direct action as school and fighting tool

So understand this better ground for him under conditions of greater influence, as well as 
the meaning, use and sharing of social time, which influences the entire organization of 
society. Hence mexemos calendars of power, almost sovereign in times of bureaucracies that 
have bureaucratized work in the exploration of one of their means of control. The terms 
need to be reversed: the people who need to take the rules and refereeing the game to be 
invented by himself, as well as continuously updated. This is the school where we learn 
partejamos and the world, fighting, ambition.

While recent demonstrations broke out, there was great amazement of the ruling class and 
following a process of streamlining some projects shelved in state courts. Despite being 
tiny, can not fail to recognize as conquest in pragmatic, symbolic and organizational 
terms. Various sectors of society, distinctly organized, with social pressure to enforce 
their will, managed to stop the increase in tickets, institutionalized influence the 
political agenda (eg defeat of PEC 37), although it very slightly, some more, some less, 
creating better conditions for the struggle forward.

Undoubtedly, a key lesson to be drawn is that autonomy and class solidarity are more than 
words in direct action. Fundamentally embody our political will to transform reality with 
militants for their broad and firm support through the construction of Popular Power 
commitment. Therefore, we insist, our urgencies do not fit in the polls, but also in the 
streets. This is part of our struggle, beyond, and has these moments possible spaces to 
give qualitative leaps in the social atmosphere and spread it more widely sectors of 
society with the fighting spirit necessary to deal with the current society of control.

Beyond the Street: always shoulder to shoulder with the class

Not forward, dragging, or behind, being dragged. Neither it is also about listening to the 
voices coming from the streets: we need to be in dialogue with them in their enormous 
diversity, because we are part of them. We must be attentive presence to collaborate in 
the organization of indignation and revolt potentials towards a path of increasing social 
force fighting on prospects for short, medium and long term. Not all / be the willing / 
them to act locally and globally. However, it is central: the immediate struggle to be 
understood as part of a broader context against a set of forces that oppress us. This has 
to do with the call classism and anarchist program.

In this context, we speak of a sphere that is not just a social movement. In general, the 
more specific fights not seen linked to questions that cover a range of battles and 
dimensions of reality that go beyond their group or movement. It is important to be 
instances of strengthening the fight beyond the popular organization, binders spaces 
militants united / the class for this option to change the geography of power lines as 
well as their calendars distinct origins.

Vale then highlight our understanding of this design that should take the fighting forces. 
Basically there is the social, political and socio-political. It is simple and consistent 
with libertarian principles of how it should be designed so the battlefield while gestamos 
already another possible reality that we intend to build. The ends must already be 
contained in the media, impregnating and partejando reality. Reap what we are sowing 
patiently in the long history of the birth.

Such a view is the result of self-criticism and learning the history of our tradition. 
Besides the direct struggle of movements in the immediate term, it is necessary that there 
are spaces for articulation of these struggles, socio-political level as well as another 
instance, a political organization, which should be strong enough to withstand turbulent 
times like the present and larger.

The political organization is an organization with more breath in several respects and 
fulfills the role of supporting the empowerment of social forces fighting in order to 
strengthen the working class in the historic task of destroying the capitalist hegemonic 
domination and statist today. Deals with tasks for which specific movements has breath and 
tactically desuniriam class if they are guided within movements. Here comes our conception 
of ideology - Marxism, "distortion of reality", contrary to what we stand for.

Ideology is a set of ideas, beliefs, aspirations we have for the reality. It's what we 
call libertarian socialism or anarchism. It is not science, it's politics. It is the field 
of political organization and should not be the agenda of the social movement.

The term party was uploaded by values which do not recognize us because even against 
ourselves historically acted, despite having already claimed the term in our tradition, in 
other content (Federalist, in this case). Today we use the term political organization to 
express this idea of a body that does not esfalece before the oppressive power and you can 
learn and teach in the struggle itself, undergoing more serious adversities.

The choice of language is the result of a different design and is reflected in our 
political practice. It's form and content. That division of spheres, for example, the 
political organization establishes mutual influence relationship with the social context. 
Organically, militants with ideological definition and role in social movements unite the 
political body to build better preparation for the fight to take this fruit and 
consequential consistent towards the construction of Popular Power.

Thus, we can not fail to mention that those who make the revolution is not the political 
sphere: it is the people with the self-determination of their organizations! The political 
organization should influence healthily and is influenced without ideologize movement. 
Social and popular organizations are not belt transmission of parties, as we see and hear 
in these times of so routinely worn partisan figures.

Indications for self-criticism and left combative schedule

In this sense, we think that's huge central dimension of self-criticism for the 
strengthening of this left, especially given its many faults that result in the 
dismantling of the social struggles and the almost omnipresent and omnipotent growth of 
neoliberalism.

The high degree of dispersion and confusion "Mass" is an indicator of the failure of the 
left to organize the indignities of society, which is related to the lack of basic work 
and distancing of the people. The modus operandi of this policy option has led to the 
current situation of growing a social imaginary of aversion to politics and everything 
that concerns you. Those who enter the game you are interested in "earning your" or are 
pawns of the party leaders.

The option in this case is to occupy leadership positions, whether in motion or in the 
state, while the base will tow this logic, being demobilized, as we see in the current 
socio-political context. We have a clear dismantling of formerly very active social 
movements that were part of a historical period which then led to the formation of a chain 
of job positions or creating social or even bureaucratic state institutions. It's just 
that society is in many ways revolted against this logic that has destroyed fighting moves.

This is expressed in the reaction of people on the flags and symbols of this lineage of 
institutional policy. There is something simply orchestrated by nazifascista right, along 
with their media agencies, etc.. It results from a history of political cynicism that 
seems to want to play with the people's will.

However, we are not favorable to the act of lowering the flags to force the comrades in 
the street manifesting. Our ideological and theoretical differences do not give us the 
right to do so with other political forces today, even though they are part of 
authoritarian organizations that historically repressed us. These organizations need a 
deep process of self-criticism because the reaction they receive may indicate real and 
irretrievable loss of its social legitimacy.

It is noteworthy that excel by popular protagonism. Worth more raised the flags of social 
and popular organizations that militant political organizations. There are also a crucial 
debate on issues that were supposedly technical origin of language, but which are 
fundamentally political. Problems involving class option. You need to be very careful not 
to fall into the traps of technical discourse.

Therefore, direct action "in the vein"! Ensure the provision of occupying the street in 
order to pressure the bureaucracy and increasingly expand our social force fighting; 
permanent promotion of various types of actions in the peripheries of power to secure 
better conditions for the recognition of the need for autonomy and solidarity of the 
class, better targeting our organization.

More specific guidelines as minimum, to fight by forcing the expansion of the area of 
people power in the transport management, free pass for the entire population; strengthen 
solidarity for the release of political prisoners and campaign against the criminalization 
of poverty and struggles. Thus, it is necessary to go beyond the left punitive because 
"everyone arrested is a political prisoner." The criminal discourse camouflages social 
conflicts wanting to empty all their political baggage. This is part of the government of 
poverty through a penal system. After all, "the people are angry, violent is the State"!

Anarchy? Only being a socialist! Socialism? Just being with freedom!

Fighting, creating popular power!