ABOUT STRUGGLES AND conjunctures ---- June 2013, booked their place in the political and
social history. Their struggles, learning and gifts consequences follow. Started with a
defensive agenda against rising rates of transport (which in cities like Porto Alegre had
important battles fought in the year), the demonstrations started gaining projection
having, perhaps as a trigger, the impact of the police crackdown on June 13 in Sao Paulo.
In sequence, increasingly massive demonstrations spread throughout Brazil. ---- The years
of "melhorismo" PT did not contain the set of repressed demands that were being put on the
streets, saved the particularities of the local scenery, and who earned more evidence amid
the context of public works spending for the World Cup, which July held its preliminary
tournament facing a series of protests.
There is much to reflect on these days of struggle. Certainly, the memory of June 2013
will be present this year 2014, year of the FIFA World Cup and parliamentary elections, as
well as the escalation of repression and criminalization of protest that has left its
ballast arbitrary arrests and persecutions. Point to questions within this national
struggle opened, from Alagoas reality scenario.
The events of June 2013 in Alagoas and some lessons
In Alagoas, the manifestations in the context of June 2013 led to protests in several
cities, like Delmiro Gouveia and Arapiraca, Alagoas respectively in the backcountry and
rugged. Among other cities with low social tradition in public demonstrations. However,
the main scenario was that kept the capital Macei? certain regularity of acts of street
also because of the threat of increased public transportation fare. So the scenario
analysis has focused on the capital of Alagoas.
The demonstrations were in the capital of Alagoas, every activity, gaining body and adding
more and more protesters beyond the field of influence of leftist organizations without
removing these the role of organizing and direction, in part, of the acts. In part,
because it could see that from the beginning was forming a sector that was not content to
follow the "protocol" and sometimes followed a course beyond the will of some / parties
who did not know or have no political organizations sensitivity to dialogue with these
situations.
We can consider the height of the street acts which occurred on June 20 (as it was in most
of Brazil). It is estimated that about 30,000 people attended this event, something never
before seen in Maceio. On June 20, the demonstration went beyond the organization of any
group involved, swallowing the presence of electric trios, bringing together a crowd that
does not usually have well-defined political identity and, of course, were all influenced
by protests in Brazil, where Social networks played a key role.
In this act, despite the politically organized participation of people can identify with a
more conservative line and right (including having an electric trio at their disposal)
they were not the majority and its influence was minimal in most of the demonstration. The
predominant profile of the demonstrators were young, mostly students. Many made their
first experiences of act of street and had no experience of organizing to fight, wherever
studies, work or live.
As you know, the left part (the one election dispute, is for what purpose is, on a pole or
a reformist discourse of social disruption) and most of the social movements were rejected
in some parts of the country. In this context, there were those who took advantage to
practice physical attacks, leaving many of rightist provocateurs. In Alagoas was no
threat. We reject, from the first moment, and we must be aware of the performance right
groups.
However, for the rejection of the people coming from sectors should fit a and critical
reflection on the old formula of cutting edge planning and running of the mass. This
"formula" does not help to build an egalitarian and free society, reproducing relations of
domination and authoritarianism. The left must break with historical practices that
prioritize the growth of its initials instead of the development of popular struggle. In
general, the old practices did not work hard or resistors found on the streets in June,
although this does not necessarily mean adherence or more structured collective political
development constructions.
Should not be surprised that most of the speeches (delivered by cries of order or visual
manifestation) was often away from claims of a popular struggle and that little dialogued
with the core issues that motivated the protests, such as urban mobility. But it would be
absurd to make a negative review of the incident. At the same time, it would be much
pretension of all militancy left wanting to influence most with our ideas "from night to
day." Not every board could be left in most circumstances presented.
Here is a great lesson in June and that gives us more ideological conviction that no
rooting and popular empowerment from the social bases, "commoditized" acts are more likely
to be targeted and / or controlled politically by the mainstream media, and opportunistic
practices, in general, by the dominant values in society.
In our view, this lesson only reinforces the necessary building strategy of People's
Power, not as a mainstay of private power projects, but as a concrete expression of
leadership and power from below. This election does not go through joints and Acronym
agreements but requires perspective and long-term work , stated in struggles and
organizational tools autonomous basis , daily in legitimate leadership class.
Notes of Alagoas political conjuncture
According to the "Atlas Brazil 2013," United Nations, Alagoas is the state with the worst
HDI (Human Development Index) in the country. Are 88 of the 102 municipalities with low
HDI, 2 being considered very low. No accident that nearly half of Alagoas families, about
440,000 out of a total of 920 thousand, depends directly on the federal program of income
transfers, the family purse.
Another fact that stands out, and is a constant presence in local and national news, are
also staggering levels of violence such as murder, with Alagoas and its major cities
always ranks the first places. If violence, affecting mainly the oppressed and their
peripheries, is an expression of capitalism and its class structure, it certainly
manifests itself in different ways gaining a more destructive and inhuman potential
realities of Alagoas.
In parallel, the political and economic elites follow with their trainees and unmade. If
on one hand, has been more common surfacing corruption and diversion of funds, on the
other hand, many of those involved are still occupying their political positions. The same
goes for cases like Jo?o Lyra Group, which has its adjudication of bankruptcy dragged on
justice while workers their companies suffer from wage arrears and various employee
benefits not met by companies of Congressman of the same name and figurehead of profile of
Alagoas elite.
This year 2014 marks the end of the second term Teot?nio Vilela (PSDB) who announced he
will not run for any office in the upcoming elections, fulfilling the end of his second
term as governor. The wear of 8 years in office, exercised on a hard front line popular
demands, especially the civil service certainly helped in this decision. Wage squeeze,
insistence on not making contest and breach of agreements with scanty closed unions are
trademarks of government. Shielded behind the discourse of the Fiscal Responsibility Law
seeks to justify the cuts and "grips" on education or health, while on the other hand,
spends millions on advertising the government itself. Besides the state government, the
PSDB is ahead of the Municipality of Macei? by young Rui Palmeira. Both in one as in
another, there is the effort in wanting to build an image of honest politicians and no
direct involvement in major recent corruption scandals and "modernizing projects" that are
associated with neoliberal prescriptions. The fact that they can not hide is the direct
link, family inclusive, with the political and economic elite of Alagoas and its relations
with politicians and businessmen who commit outrages and their trainees and remain unpunished.
If indeed Vilela not going to the electoral process (in this case the Senate) is not yet
known. However, PSDB and Vilela will have the "opposition" right plate / gang articulated
by Renan and Fernando Collor and the base of the PT federal government in the state. A
dispute between oligarchs with their stories relations with the dominant groups, like the
mill owners, with landowning structure, as new groups and economic sectors that are
gaining expression in the state and / or a few regions, and especially with the
degradation of living conditions of Alagoas worker in favor of private power projects.
From our ground, keep fighting
The demands and struggles for immediate gains, are necessary and fundamental resistance
for better conditions of life for the oppressed. The struggle for urban mobility and
against the mafia of entrepreneurs shipping. Combating poverty and criminalization of
protest. The quality of public services, combining the struggle of workers with those who
need the service. In the field fighting landlordism and policies that benefit agribusiness
and destructive agrarian structure.
However, as important as the achievements are the means by which it reaches. Enforcing the
strength of the streets and struggles at work, studying and living is to ensure that the
"voice of the streets" is not silent or misused by electoral interests. You must also
associate the struggle for rights and gains a long-term struggle, developing the capacity
for social transformation of the oppressed while fostering direct action method at
different levels of popular struggle.
Since our floors, earthy Palmares, without losing the dimension of the fight beyond the
borders of the states, followed seeking to build with our strength modesty, justice and
freedom horizons.
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