Elements of climate ---- Against episodes lived on the streets of the country in mid-2013,
it is pointing out that there were significant changes in the political situation in
Brazil. It seems that we are moving from a stage in which the conservative consensus gives
the first signs of exhaustion, opening a new cycle of class struggle in the country. To
analyze this context, we, the Brazilian Anarchist Coordination with some key elements.
---- The limits of neo-developmentism PT ---- To address the current management model of
capitalism in Brazil, we need to present more accurately the economical way that
capitalism took over the country in this last step. We believe it is a mistake to put this
last step, the ten years of petismo, the common grave of neoliberalism, then, on the one
hand economic policy is not structurally breaks with privatizing aspects in social areas,
and even with the precariousness of public services, both from the perspective of those
who work for the state, as for those who receive the services, we see, moreover, that the
state's participation in the economy is critical.
According to the government itself, its priorities in the economic field are:
"A) Practicing macroeconomics and financing for development, ensuring the objectives of
macroeconomic stability and growth with income distribution.;
. b) Give course and speed to the three fronts of expansion that are active in the
Brazilian economy: Investments in production and mass consumption, investment in economic
and social infrastructure, and intensive investment in natural resources. (...)" (PPA,
2013, emphasis added)
As we note in the words of petismo own, now in government, the pillars of the economy are
in mass consumption allowed by the expansion of credit and social programs of income
distribution, investment in programs like CAP and mega - events (World and Olympic Games)
Cup, as well as in construction ("Minha Casa, Minha Vida") and the intensive exploitation
of resources such as oil. These elements indicate that even social policies placed as
flagships - "Family", "Brazil without Poverty" and "My House, My Life" - are confined in a
developmental agenda, which aims to heat the consumer market and the housing market and
thus some refer to poverty reduction and the development of a "state of welfare", which is
what is expected of reformism strict sense.
The government also points out another priority:
"Given the reduction in private investment and lending by the private banking system, the
result of the international crisis that began in 2008, the National Bank for Economic and
Social Development (BNDES), the Bank of Brazil and Caixa Economica Federal fulfilled
important countercyclical role, preventing further decline in economic activity." (PPA 2013)
Spending on what the government calls "countercyclical measures" increased to 53.5% in
Box, BNDES and Banco do Brazil from 2011 to 2012. Only in 2011, BNDES lent to the private
sector U.S. $ 139 billion.
Regarding income distribution, there are two situations to be highlighted. There exists a
real decrease in income inequality, because the top of the social pyramid remains intact.
What there is, in fact, are income transfer policies, such as "Family" - added, all social
policies correspond to 19.6% of GDP - which has a positive effect with regard to the
inclusion in the Marketplace consumption of a mass that was totally excluded. However, the
so-called "new middle class" is nothing more than a PT invention because these people have
incomes that even grant access to fundamental rights. The majority of the population still
living on less than minimum wage. Workers aged 15 or older who earn less than the minimum
wage amount to more than 26 million and 43% of Brazilian households have an income below
the minimum wage.
At the same time, 124 people concentrate 12% of GDP, only 6% of Brazilians hold its own
means of production (IPEA) and 10% of the richest still hold 75.4% of wealth in Brazil
(since 2008, which has not changed since 2004), or even 1% of the Brazilian landowner owns
45% of the land, 90% of landowners hold 20% (INCRA). Added to this, year after year, banks
profit hits record, as evidenced by the results of Banco Ita? in the first half of 2013.
Ita? had, during this period, its second largest profit in the history (the third largest
bank, behind only its brand in 2011 and the record profits of the Bank of Brazil 10.03
billion), getting the mark of 7,055 billion, which is greater than the savings amount from
33 countries. Bradesco profits are larger than the economy of the 30 countries and
Santander larger than the economies of 21 countries.
But to maintain the appearance of "rich country", the government and media spread the
concept of "middle class", as if, in practice, this segment clearly differentiated from
the recent inclusion of popular sectors in consumption. For the government, this "middle
class" covering the population with per capita income of R $ 291.00 to R $ 1,019.00. Ie,
more than half of the population belong, so this "middle class." This average income is
far below what the DIEESE points as necessary to gain access to fundamental rights. The
institution stipulates that the Brazilian minimum wage should be R $ 2,621.70 (2013). In
practice, what this means ? The profile distribution of income in the country has
undergone few changes in its structure, maintaining the huge inequalities in income
between the richest and the rest of society, with income transfers concentrated among the
lower classes. It is noticed that, in fact, what happens is that the government
redistributes poverty. According to IPEA, Brazil in poverty decreased from 32.4% to 22.6%,
including that portion of the population in the middle class. However, the rich continue
likewise accumulating. What you notice is that even with the maintenance of wealth of the
ruling classes, there was, among the oppressed classes, some redistribution.
Regarding the real gain in wages, this is very small in the present scenario. Although
84.5% of the categories that are monitored by DIEESE had increases above the INPC, only
0.6% received increases above 5%. The largest share received between 0.01% and 1%,
totaling 34.8% of 84.5%. In this same survey, it was found that 64% had an increase of
about 0.01% to 2% above the INPC. In 2012 there was a higher rate increases above 5% of
the INPC. This confirms that the increase in consumption occurred with the expansion of
credit and corroborates the claim that there is a significant distribution of income in
the country.
What we see in the political and social context in which capitalism in Brazil is
experiencing is that economic inequalities have been retained and social differences are
tentatively being modified in order to decrease the population miserable and insert it
that said "middle class" by increasing their purchasing power and opening her credit. This
is reversed in the lower social strata, in a debt directly proportional to the incentive
for consumption. According to Roberto Luis Troster, former chief economist at the
Brazilian Federation of Banks, 63% of the population has some form of debt and 20% of
delinquent accounts, 76% of these people are in credit card debt and the average interest
rate of this type of account, in Brazil, currently sits on the porch of 130%.
The agribusiness and agro-industry, which have some of the companies "national champions"
are largely responsible for the primary surplus and also have their weaknesses. As the
price of commodities takes place in international markets, the economy in this area is
highly dependent on international capital. Therefore, depend on this sector to ensure
trade balance and economic security of the country is a serious risk.
While the Labor Party has not kept the "neoliberal pact" and contributed to a more refined
neo-developmentism management model - with more robust state spending within a more
interventionist perspective - changes made by its governance model does not seem
sufficient to promote a change in the economic structure, even in terms of the
distribution of wealth, something expected of a field Party Labour. In relation to
capitalist development, the PT hit some indexes that allow certain stability and growth,
as the 4.6% unemployment, which allow certain fluidity to the economy, after all, the mass
consumption is one of its flagships. However, no real income distribution, ie, the
socialization of poverty, indebtedness generates concern that promise to slow the mass
consumption and the housing market, with a major risk of this becoming debt default. The
great works and mega events have expiration dates, and, when finalized, promise further
slow the economy. Agribusiness, as noted, is subject to the international market and
therefore sensitive to external economic fluctuations. The question is also to what extent
the public banks keep credit bear market, but the State in debt or have pressed their
accounts, in particular with regard to social programs.
As we see, we have an economic model that is far from a manufacturing perspective, it can
not be well characterized even in a reformist perspective. Even with regard to the
capitalist equilibrium, it seems to be sustained in unstable "bases", subject to imbalances.
Social rights are not in the neo-developmentism schedule
At the moment we met, after ten years of PT in the power of the state, one can point out
some trends. As we stress, no sketches of more radical political changes and has small
oscillations. In the social field, without breaking commitments with financial capital, it
is very difficult to radically alter the picture, since 40% of the state budget goes to
the repayment of debt. It was a historic compromise left break with public debt, ie, to
default on the loan sharks of government to be able to have more robust features for
social policies, the project petismo long abandoned because their current commitments are
to the classes dominant.
The aforementioned counter-cyclical measures (especially the availability of credit) have
a much more significant capital spending in the social sectors growth. There is more
investment than bank credit in social areas. Between 2011 and 2012, 55% more resources
were allocated to this sector, and only in 2011, BNDES lent to the private sector U.S. $
139 billion. Meanwhile, budgets for education increased to R $ 38 billion (14.4% increase
compared to 2012) and the "Brazil Without Poverty" have $ 29.9 billion (16.3% increase
compared to 2012). In the same period (2011 to 2012) the minimum wage increased from R $
545.00 to R $ 622.00, an increase of about 14%. As we see, the government makes a choice
to support the bourgeoisie, to support their mega-enterprises in time of crisis, instead
of investing resources in areas of social concern.
Such government measures fail some success because they maintain a reasonable and balanced
economic growth with low unemployment rates, within the historical minimum (4.6% in 2013,
according to the Metro newspaper, Curitiba, December 20) and some capacity for mass
consumption, enabling growth and relative economic balance.
These aspects ultimately pointing out something that has already signaled the streets: the
great revolts do not refer to the harbinger of an economic crisis, because at the moment
there are no apparent signs of this crisis, but the dissatisfaction of the population with
services and precarious working conditions. This picture is clear and refers generally to
large centers, where the population enjoys some government largesse conquers PT (easy
credit that gives purchasing power and relative social mobility for working class segments
of extremely impoverished), but that however, can not see real improvements in their
quality of life, for not seeing the improvements promised by both PT.
According to the 2011 survey, about 70% of the population is dissatisfied with the
services provided by the NHS. This number refers to those who often seek the service. The
main complaint is the lack of doctors, then the delay in scheduling consultation or
examination in public (IPEA), which can reach, according to some sources, the 9 months.
According to another survey, about 60% of the population uses only the SUS, while another
30% match using the NHS and private healthcare. In practice, about 90% of the population
depends on NHS services. He gets no real increase in supplementation since 1994, because
of accumulated inflation in health sector in the last decade, from 83.3%, eventually
absorb the 32% increase in subsidies in the sector. We see the current government to break
beyond rhetoric to the old privatization policy, imposing the measures by masked, as in
the case of public companies under private law (as Ebserh), that allow for privatization
(hospitals Dual Port) and promote the commercialization of health (not only in a
commercial sense, but also submit it to the logic of business administration at the
expense of welfare. at the state level have their equivalents, Social Organizations (OSs).
pointing only those data preliminary, without dwelling on the background related to the
Brazilian public health statistics, it is remarkable that their situation is catastrophic.
When we play the situation of universities, have an even more critical situation regarding
the administration of the service by the government. Only 11% of the population between 25
and 64 years of age reached this educational level, when the developed nations is
recommended for at least 31%. Currently, at least 74% of higher education students have to
resort to private schools because the private higher education institutions match most of
this service in Brazil. Are 2,112 private institutions for public 304. Only 62% of people
with higher education and 35% of people with high school education are classified as fully
literate. According to research by the Paulo Montenegro Institute and the NGO Action
Educational levels of literacy and functional literacy improve their performance according
to income. It is noticed that productivism imposed on Brazilian education by international
bodies in the years of staunch, neoliberalism combined with the lack of attention to what
pertains to the policies of social welfare (where income is only one element) and a
universal not represented sufficient increase in funds (consequently in structural and
personal gain) generated an overloaded structure (crowded rooms) with a small number of
teachers, eventually turn into a mass education of poor quality. Our country not only have
a poor quality of education, as, due to the expansion via private universities, is unable
to promote technological development, as private not invest in research and have a fragile
system of knowledge production. Brazil accounts for a mere 2.7% of scientific production
in the world, what is little to one of the world's largest economies. No wonder that only
four Brazilian universities are among the 100 best evaluated BRICS. In this area, the
privatization extends to all levels, from primary to tertiary, either through
privatization revenues, public structure or liberalization that turns a right into a
commodity.
With this expansion of education aimed at achieving "goals" of international organizations
like the IMF and World Bank can monitor the changing profile of the university.
Increasingly flexible workers have joined the university. These workers believed they
would be able to ascend to a better life with college degree. However, the quality of
education offered, before a country that does not invest in knowledge production and has a
fragile economy (based on construction, real estate capital, agribusiness and retail),
have university level is not synonymous with prime condition few spaces left for
employability.
We can not fail to address the problem of transportation, the trigger calls "June Days" of
2013. The transport key to access both to work as health and education services, and the
right to the city, has turned into one of the biggest expenses of Brazilian families,
already committed 15% of family income in 2012 (IPEA), not counting the increases that
generated the uprisings last year. This service, which is still not recognized as a social
right, is far from having access even easier. On the contrary: it is estimated that 37
million Brazilians fail to use public transport because they can not afford it. Public
transport has, for years, being run by mafias, and do what private business is a
fundamental right, embedding in their profit rates, manage the transport costs of
overpricing practices that cause it to become even more expensive.
In the wake of neodesenvolvimentista policy, it is evident that the social right has space
only to the extent that can be purchased. Thus, Brazilians still lack a system of social
protection in key areas such as health, education and transport, consistent with a social
- reformist policies. We take these elements as a reference because, according to research
IBOPE, they were the most mentioned by protesters as reasons for their protests.
What is clear is that the PT does not bring major changes to the social areas and follows,
in part, the neoliberal agenda, privatizing, sometimes using other modalities. A small but
significant change occurs in the robust placement of public funds in the private sector.
We like two great examples PROUNI, buying vacancies in private universities, and the
"Minha Casa, Minha Vida", which provides affordable housing with public credit, but
subsidizing large contractors.
The betrayal of the "bottom" has its price
The PT has its origin in the accumulation of forces of the oppressed classes, over the 80
years, in the context of political reopening, joined forces on several fronts, giving rise
to some of the most powerful entities in class. In the labor movement we have the
formation of the Treasury, in the MST agrarian movement, the student movement and the
reorganization of the UNE community movement in the strength of various popular movements,
especially those driven by the Basic Ecclesial Communities (BECs). This boiling of social
forces ended up having a political balance to formation of a large party, consisting of
several sectors of the labor movement, the PT. Such a party somehow epitomized the
aspirations of the oppressed classes and held out the hope that they could come to power
and make the changes desired by way of bourgeois democracy; perspective that allows you to
put the party in the classical reformism hall. In this sense, we can say that the PT is a
party that originates within the people, despite their project rise to power of the
bourgeois state, and that was by virtue of the low that he came to power.
It is these characteristics of the process that led to the PT power he is able to seal the
"compact" class, then, being from the popular movements, is a party that has more strength
within these movements. Findado an electoral project, with the 2002 presidential election,
it is time to dismantle the apparatus of class organization, which had long been serving
the electioneering, the struggles of these movements have already indicated, most
significantly, for the prospect to wear the then Chief opponent, the PSDB. With the
arrival of the PT to power, it was time to dismantle the movements what brought danger:
the combative ability to mobilize. This was done by co-opting its most direct sense, ie,
offering jobs, injecting money and making movements mere resource managers. Another
measure was the granting of concessions sparse in the field of social rights, with the
income distribution projects and some projects that serve the rural population being the
flagship, availing thus the condition of the population extremely subalternizada for them
distribute crumbs. These two factors, coupled with the internal bureaucratization of
movements, which become subordinated by the belt that had been created between PT and
social movements were essential to promote "social peace", ie, soften, to serve as a scab
class conflicts, doing what right, which prioritized the path of repression, could not
accomplish in your term in office.
The co-optation of the movement and care the most vulnerable sectors of the population
have important ideological results. There is a widespread idea that the government
actually promotes social justice, gradually and responsibly, resulting in the ideology of
"melhorismo", comparing the current situation of the country with the old days of PSDB. It
will be, therefore, that the oppressed classes relinquish a project immediately class to
adopt the belief of slow and gradual improvement.
As we have seen, the PT does nothing more than provide some income distribution policies,
social policies that currently represent a mere 16% of GDP, while 32.5% vanish in debt,
leaving no doubt about the class nature of that government. However, there is a scenario
less worse than in the previous period, resulting in electoral support base, and thus
staying in the PT in power, as the "compact class" orchestrated by him. We see this double
sense in the welfare state: the maintenance of the state apparatus and the class covenant.
Despite the protests, it is still noticeable the strong support to the PT and there are no
signs of political crisis, both the PT itself is worth the mobilizations to implement part
of its agenda, which was shelved in the House. Dilma follows over 40% in the polls. This
support derives from this policy that, at first, co-opted social movements, later
strangling them with red tape, and then granting those segments most exploited some
improvements, in many cases entering the consumption. As we have seen, this insertion into
the consumer does not have support for rights.
Such actions of the PT government put the social movement in a long period of reflux.
Appear here and there, draft resistance, but it is difficult articulation of mass struggle
with instruments that were historically made ??by oppressed classes in the country, as
they have been demobilized and come completely losing their autonomy and independence with
the cooptation and bureaucratization.
Plus the wasted space of popular movements in the lives of Brazilians have the expansion
of the mass media, which now has almost united voice and to be virtually the only large
and influential in shaping public opinion space. Currently, according to the institution
Meta Research, 94.2% of the population watches TV, and broadcast TV only 77.8%; 70.6%
claim to have preference for Rede Globo. Other sectors that strengthen and gain more
space, especially in the outskirts of large cities, are the neo-Pentecostal churches and
their "prosperity theology", affirming a consciousness that seeks to integrate the poor
into class society by the dream of ascension social.
Against this background of ideological stability to capitalism and on conservative
consensus, led by the PT, which deslanchava neodesenvolvimentista well with your project,
the protests of 2013 brought news to the streets. Even the leftists imagined that the
manifestations of the MPL could end opening the floodgates of accumulated revolt by years
of repressed demands.
A young guy takes to the streets, young, relatively skilled, precarious work, typical of
this new era of capital: flexible work, part of the so-called "middle class." He was not
part of the training of past struggles cycle, culminating in the arrival of the PT
leadership of the state, it also has a rich political experience, precisely because it is
a time when the main references of popular and political organization were disarticulated
by cooptation / bureaucratization. This guy comes to the streets complaining for years of
pent-up demands. He is unhappy with his situation, but at the same time, does not seem to
be properly municiado for the clash.
So what we saw in those days was to take the streets by a flood of claims, which began
with the transport, driven by struggles against tariff increases, but that became a
claiming struggle for social rights, as well as a critique of current political status.
Despite criticism occurred, the sparse research conducted demonstrate that the
demonstrations had an impact on those who took to the streets, as those who did not
actively participate in fights, but conform to public opinion. In general, there was
support from broad sectors of the population to protest and their demands. According to
the responses of the IBOPE survey conducted in seven states and Brasilia during
demonstrations, 53.7% of the population took to the streets due to his dissatisfaction
with public transport and 49% against corruption. As we have seen, the transportation
tariff was slightly higher adhesion, which shows that, even with the "vertical" dispute of
the agendas of the streets, carried out by the media, the demonstrations continued in the
sense outlined by the social movements that have embraced.
Clearly see the dispute around the themes of the demonstrations, the media seeking
oportunizar and putting on the agenda the fight against PT (and not corruption). But
still, staves built beneath the numerous organizations that shaped the struggle for
transportation just out "victorious". We have yet another interesting comparison to
establish this fact: 40.5% of the protesters said they have taken to the streets by the
reduction of tariffs (Tariff referred to the struggle for access to transportation),
however only 11.9% said they were in the streets against PEC 37, Tariff stirred by
"anti-corruption" sectors, including suggested by Arnaldo Jabor nothing impartial. This
comparison suggests that, despite the bourgeois media largely deter the media and have the
power of the masses guided the work of systematic basis can boost a dispute, it has the
backdrop of concrete issues of daily suffering of the oppressed. After all, the agenda
that we can call "tactical", or more specifically, around the transportation, shows much
more rooted than the "Tariff of Jabor".
Fortunately, the internet in general and social networks in particular, have been
constituted as important tools for mobilization and counter-information. They municiaram
movements and popular organizations with tools that, if they have the same power of
television and the mass media, make a reasonable and important counterpoint. This does not
mean that one should renounce the groundwork of militancy "face to face", which is what
really forces to forge new movements, but these interaction spaces (of the Internet and
social networks) can not be neglected.
Direct action back to the scene to confront bureaucracy and institutionalism social
movements imposed by the PT, ie, the population around politics and to act directly,
plotting ways to achieve a goal classist. The proof of the efficiency of this form of
action was to reduce the rates in over 100 cities. Along it still reappears violence as a
form of political action that in some localities it was beyond the Black Blocs were
accepted and sometimes practiced by popular they began to recognize the manifestations and
thus make his defense, that when worth mentioning, the forces of repression attacked.
However, a lack of roots left in the oppressed classes is a problem to be appointed,
including the lack of organic social movements, autonomous, independent and combative.
This allows the masses are more susceptible to those who carry the political dispute
representing the dominant interests, as in the capitalist press, which has been seeking to
influence events. The major media have made attempts to establish its own agenda with the
right aspirations, aiming to destabilize the PT at the electoral level.
It should be noted that it is necessary to be cautious with all the mass that took to the
streets carrying national symbols. This does not necessarily reflect in a wave of fascism,
or a new flock of "green chickens", but, in general, is the disorientation of this working
class youth who takes to the streets, which eventually becomes susceptible to disputes
vertical media that establishes precisely because they lack references from leftist
organizations and even social movements. Aim, therefore, the need for patience groundwork
and opinion formation.
In relation to our field, we highlight the reintegration of anarchism in the public arena.
He was in vogue and is in some way responsible for journeys of 2013, for "evil" and "good"
as the anarchists were criminalized, but also those who enjoyed greater prestige and
assumed prominent positions in "Brazilian spring".
This emphasis occurs, largely by the position they take in the organization of the
anarchist struggle for shipping. After all, since the dawn of Free Pass Movement, back in
2005, anarchists were present in its various expressions. This information is important
and should be approached carefully. Anarchism that breaks out to the public sphere is not
necessarily organized anarchism, yet the popularity of anarchism, and, even more, a
positive popularization, ie as a benchmark of struggle, opens a large field for our
greater inclusion in all levels. We can not neglect that part of the popularity of
anarchism reflects dissatisfaction with bourgeois democracy, ie, the hopelessness of the
population with the possibility of building an alternative state, as young workers who are
on the streets, unlike the past generation, not only have affection with petismo but also
reject. And they do so much by their class position, as not perceiving the party more than
one officer of the State, and all cases of corruption and precarizantes policies
implemented, which ended up putting the party in the common place of bourgeois democracy.
As we can see, there is huge potential for the resumption of class-based, autonomous and
independent movements having as method acting direct action, and they can, by their
combativeness that substantial achievements. For anarchism, in particular, opens up a
space in the public arena that we can say, did not exist for decades. We understand, at
the same time be necessary to examine the magnitude of these movements, which relate to a
specific subject, the flexible worker with high education and urban, who already feel most
directly the limits and contradictions of the management model of the PT.
We must point out that the absence of a permanent organization of struggle, and that is
the main factor, this is a cycle with very definite limits. We bring a perspective of
street fighting and combative up the imagination of the general population the possibility
of change by their own hands, paving the way for greater things in a future situation in
which we can see, due to the data already pointed an exhaustion broader level of economic
and political PT project.
March, 2014
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