France, Alternative Libertaire AL #234 - Agustin Gomez Acosta (CGT-E): "Morocco is dotted with struggles violently suppressed" (fr, pt)

Agustin Gomez Acosta, activist of the Spanish CGT, including the Maghreb anime commission. 
A brief overview with him news of social and union resistance to Morocco. ---- Libertarian 
Alternative: Why Morocco that popular mobilization has never reached the level of Tunisia 
or Egypt? ---- Agustin: First, the Alawite monarchy is the main and most loyal ally of the 
United States, France and the European Union in the area. While Mubarak and Ben Ali had 
been in the past Tunisia and especially Egypt have gone through phases of nationalism in 
open conflict with the West at the time of Nasser in particular. This has left the 
collective consciousness of the people of these countries an important anti imperialist 
sentiment. Morocco, on the contrary, has always been a faithful ally.

Second, the Moroccan government has cultivated ignorance, illiteracy and marginalization 
of Amazigh identity, yet majority in the Moroccan population. The cultural level of the 
Egyptian and Tunisian peoples is substantially higher than that.

Thirdly, the February 20 Movement has not had sufficient strength to overthrow the Alawite 
monarchy. In Morocco, the social demands were the same as in Tunisia and Egypt, but did 
not ask the fall of the monarchy.

Why?

Agustin: The Moroccan state has specific characteristics which enable the margins of 
larger maneuvers. Its support base, unlike dictatorships of Ben Ali and Mubarak is not 
only the fact of a modern centralized state with its excessively repressive institutions 
(police, justice, army, bureaucracy). The Moroccan regime based on the permanence of 
inherited customs of the Sultanate, its feudal relations and vassalage.

These practices penetrate the whole society through a wide network of "young wrens" the 
orders of the monarch. It is this concept of blind loyalty and unwavering as Makhzen is 
called. In Morocco, there are many formal parties, unions, associations. Elections are 
held regularly. A whole sham democracy, by Western standards, prevail. At the same time, 
the Makhzen hybrid between the modern state inherited from colonialism, and the sultanate, 
based on a theocratic power and vassalage, is an absolute power with a king above the law 
and any constitution. Mohamed VI is the prince of believers and its power can not be 
questioned.

These factors explain the response of the king against the February 20 Movement has been 
repression. At the same time, by enacting a constitutional reform, the king secured the 
image of an enlightened monarch, listening to the demands of the people. Through this new 
constitution more "liberal" (at least in appearance), he managed to divide the opposition 
and win over number of "left." An example: the head of the recent National Council for 
Human Rights has appointed a former political prisoner of Hassan II and the "years of 
lead". The message is very clear in all cases: the democratic spaces in Morocco are those 
whom the king tolerated. Another example symptomatic of this fact: in Morocco, you can 
attend a violent crackdown on protests, as was the case this summer, on the occasion of 
the release of pedophile Spanish Diego Galan. A few days after, the king having recognized 
that this was a mistake (obviously not his but that of his subjects, namely the Minister 
of Justice), the events on the same topic were suddenly encouraged.

To summarize, it is clear that nothing moves in Morocco without royal assent. Makhzen is 
not challenged by the active collaboration of the vast majority of parties, unions, 
associations, but also chiefs, police informers in the neighborhoods. A network that is 
present throughout the country and the only one to serve the king.

Despite this reality, no one can silence the struggles of the people. Struggles that led 
Mohamed VI to vote via a referendum, the new constitution. A constitution without any 
legitimacy, with a record abstention rate of 70%. The February 20 Movement continues to 
work in the street, to mobilize. The invariable response Makhzen against him, 
intimidation, terror and repression, put bare its true nature and its dictatorial character.

Can you please provide an overview of the Moroccan social and trade union movement?

Agustin: First, we must keep in mind that most of the popular struggles in Morocco are 
spontaneous, self-organized local and foremost. The February 20 Movement was the most 
important change in the Moroccan political situation for decades. Mass mobilizations in 
over a hundred cities, coordinated actions and creating support committees in 
neighborhoods. The Moroccan people expressed, despite the repression, his desire for 
change, freedom, dignity and social justice. Although the crackdown has made a number of 
deaths (eg Safi or Ait Bouayach), power has been careful to avoid a bloodbath. Power, by a 
new constitution, tried to politically respond to anger. It also facilitated the accession 
to power of moderate Party for Justice and Democracy (PJD) Islamists to defuse one of the 
components of the Moroccan social movement. These factors explain the slowing of the 
February 20 Movement. Nevertheless, the groundswell of this mobilization persists. And on 
February 22 a day of action throughout the territory, was proposed.

In social movements, ANDCM (National Association of Unemployed Graduates of Morocco) 
continues to resist and maintains an active local activism. AMDH (Moroccan Association for 
Human Rights) continues on his side, his tireless work exposing continuing violations of 
human rights and supports the social struggles and popular.

Within the labor movement, the consolidation of bureaucratic and anti combative sectors 
within the majority union, the UMT (Moroccan Labour Union) was true especially in 
education, agriculture and public administration. Struggles in defense of agrarian reform 
and against the marginalization of the so-called "forgotten Morocco" (areas of the East 
mainly) are permanent. Universities also held strikes but divisions within the student 
movement, because of the sectarianism of some sectors, it has lacked coordination.

Resistance Amazigh (Berber), very diverse and divided, lost its intensity, particularly 
due to the recognition of their identity and language in the new constitution.

In summary, the struggles and resistances are primarily spontaneous scattered. This 
situation is primarily due to the nature of trade, social and political organizations 
characterized by its allegiance to the Alawite regime and the fact that they remain 
largely authoritarian, bureaucratic and corrupt.

Can you come back in more detail on the significant struggles in recent months?

Agustin: Despite the gravity of the union apparatus, which is positive is that the social 
struggles and labor are constant. They end here, they start elsewhere. In recent months, 
revolts took place in Targuist in the province of Al Hoceima or Demnate, Khenifra or Taza. 
In Ouarzazate, the miners went on strike. In 2012, it was the popular district of Sidi 
Youssef Ben Ali Marrakesh heaved. All territory is dotted with these struggles violently 
suppressed whenever the power.

The problem is that these struggles are uncoordinated and do not extend because of union 
bureaucracies that do everything to stop the movement. In Ouarzazate, for example, 
instances of the CDT (Democratic Confederation of Labour) intervened directly in the 
conflict to paralyze the miners' strike and negotiated with employers instead of the local 
CDT too offensive.

Another significant fight was one of the people and inhabitants of Imider against the 
pollution of groundwater by the Metallurgical Society Imider (SMI), which belongs to 
Managem (Royal holding) and operates a silver mine. This struggle, long years, is 
exemplary in many respects: assembl?iste operation, solidarity and active involvement of 
women.

A final example of struggle, one led by the agricultural sector of the UMT has succeeded 
in recent months to impose patterns of holdings new rights for workers and agricultural 
workers (wage increases, enrollment in social security rights union).

In this fight in Morocco, there are organizations claiming libertarian movement and its 
practices?

Agustin: It does not exist in actual organization at national level. By cons, here and 
there, libertarians do things. There have been many attempts, for example, establishment 
of libertarian cultural centers. Lately, Casablanca and Rabat were created libertarian 
collectives acting on cultural and musical field, and art in general. A collective 
"Guerrilla Cinema" is relevant things. More generally, what is interesting is that among 
the youth advance the ideas of autonomy, self-organization, reflexes horizontal operation 
and rejection of logic parties.

In the Berber areas (especially in the Rif), and finally, the practices of federalism and 
assemblyism an integral part of the folk tradition. Concepts such as parliamentarism, 
parties, trade unions are perceived as foreigners because artificially legacy of colonialism.

Interview by Jeremiah Berthuin (AL Gard)

For more information about the February 20 Movement, a video about it was made here
http://www.cnt-f.org/video/accueil/44-international/283-maroc-les-revoltes-du-20-fevrier