Saturday, November 30, 2013, at the call of the Collective "Life and work in Britain
decide" about 30,000 people gathered at the site of Kerampuilh to listen to various
speakers and manifest through the town with gwenn ha (Breton flag: "White and Black") and
red caps. ---- Despite the supposed denigration politicians Poujadism movement, despite
the government's demining company records the food industry, and Tilly Sabco Soft, despite
improved conditions for dismissal at Marine Harvest, despite the proposed "pact of future
for Britain "promised by Ayrault on December 4 and the postponement of the environmental
tax in January 2015 announced by Le Foll and despite the withdrawal of all trade union
confederations and employers (!) who did not call the movement n has not waned!
We published the call to be a pole worker during the day: Red Hats For a worker center in
Carhaix , whose call text has been finalized on Thursday 28 and had that a late release
... This is a little off the cuff things are organized at the initiative of the Defence
Committee of employment in central Brittany.
At first, this is the station to 2-300 people catch words began. Some participants are
were there for the first time with their house banner denouncing their operating
conditions made ??... Union sections of the food had not called this initiative pole
worker, conflicts of GAD, Tilly and Harvest being traded; persons present-es were
unionized or not, without label. PES (UK Workers Union) expressed a position class
internationalist solidarity with particular undocumented immigrant workers, so the NPA has
raised the need to prohibit dismissal and nationalize boxes that relocate their production
and finally Breizhistance (independence left) discussed among others the need for local
democracy, taxing empty second homes throughout the year to help poor housing and another
mode of agricultural production.
Groups are employee-GAD Tilly Sabco, Marine Harvest have described the relative position
of their boxes. The employee Tilly Sabco spoke glowingly (!) Action boss Sauvaget, which
would unfreeze European subsidies to keep jobs afloat (and his company at the same time!
... ndc ). In contrast, the employee-es GAD who received their letters of dismissal
yesterday marched through Carhaix conchiant loudly in their employer ... Positions are
somewhat mixed.
Finally the procession quickly expanded to gather a thousand people arriving on site
gathering of Red Hat, fight each box was identified by a color t-shirt (see photo). The
committee for the defense of employment should see the follow-up to this day.
INTERVENTIONS INCONSISTENT
Catch words on the central stage of Red Hats were also mixed. Have succeeded on the stage
of the local glories octogenarians Breton Gaullists and reactionaries, but Gilles Servat
with his song "proletarians" dated but more than ever ...
Then a farmer expressed the need for an alternative production, more concerned with
producing a balanced and fair, but the spokesman FDSEA 29, Merret, representing large
vegetable and cochonniers heavily reminded that it must release the energies ... / ... and
remove the constraints and the brakes on the social and environmental legislative, fiscal,
. Would he turn Britain into banana republic? Merret also recalled that in February 2009
dice Breton employers denounced environmental tax by action at the toll Gravelle. In
short, he claimed the employer premiere of challenging environmental tax and the
centrality patterns: Without entrepreneurs, not businesses, and companies without no jobs ...
Troadec instead has clearly raised a concern human social conditions and future solidarity
against the Jacobin centralism, by appealing to the base of the population, workers,
peasants, unemployed, small employers to form the backbone of a movement , which would
require a regional institutional tool, and inviting Holland to come and discuss ... That
is called making a date, including four months of municipal mayor for a single councilor
who "does the job" cotoyant both employers circle Locarn that scrolling on November 23 in
protest at the Inter- Lorient to Morlaix in the morning and afternoon ... If we can blame
her Troadec vane side, to share between the NPA and Carhaix FDSEAs 29 (!) To launch its
initiatives, it gives the impression beyond his electoral stronghold of Carhaix, promote
Breton autonomist project close to the program UDB (Breton Democratic Union), but without
having to pay allegiance to the PS to exist politically elected. Gifted business sense and
realistic political alliances, charisma is not for nothing that the ambivalence in the
media lend to Red Hats.
WHAT FUTURE FOR MOVEMENT?
This contrasting duo of two figureheads of the movement is it a game to cast a wide net by
allocating roles on behalf of the defense of common interests Breton territories, or
rather the chronicle of an announced divorce .. ? A bit of both, perhaps.
Mobilization but also imposes its own pace, in the wake of the economy (blockade as
possible carriers), a tributary of closures and layoffs that follow, in industry and in
the food processing. A new crisis could soon burst, with serious consequences following
questioning by the EU CAP (price unsecured milk quotas end, etc). Brittany milk production
is already quite battered (since 2009, 15% of farms have disappeared), and the storm could
be announced on a different scale than the environmental tax.
The leaders of the Red Hats are also forced to deal with the mood of a population that
voted overwhelmingly Holland (59% in the Finist?re) and is furious of policy today:
relocation of factories making profits , risk of bankruptcy due to modification of the CAP
(end export refunds), or because of social dumping with the EU (German slaughterhouses
under pay their employees ...), these difficulties in the food is the application of a
brutal capitalist policies, under strict domination of finance. And this is not the
episode retirement-hat Varin, CEO of PSA ex calamitous, which calm the spirits.
The rebound mobilization also depends on small employers, linked to the economic health of
their principals in the food and producers including small carriers whose businesses are
affected by the environmental tax, do not have scope for passing on their rates, as do
retail or large transport boxes. In short this is not the salary and wage which the
proletariat ... And there are "independent" as most exploited employees: lower incomes, to
the task, without contributions or rights to unemployment.
The media have also played a role accelerator and amplifier (very numerous relayed by all
sectors of opinion "liberals", in magazines and in the "experts" of TV news channels)
about the "tax revolt" more or less sincere, but can also translate a real anguish,
economic choking "independent" against the economic downturn.
MOVEMENT AND TERRITORY
On the future of the movement, the Breton dimension Red Caps is undeniable, and it seals
the group and is imposed on the population ... Collective identity is claimed and defended
when threatened, challenged. With p?ninsularit? Brittany outskirts of European routes,
with the highest rate of hexagonal homeowners and the most dense network, the Breton
population that is attached to its roots and its social links logically feared future
Desertification economic, Greek or Portuguese, on the margins of Europe, hence the tax
burden shared the heavy allergies, more debt for the French state justifies the trimming
of social protection; conditions Working in the food are already very Breton ungrateful
and there is no alternative employment, and finally Ayrault government orders budgetary
orthodoxy to disengage the State of industries even well defended, as Arcelor-Mittal ...
Local struggles to win against the directives of Paris are still in the collective memory,
mobilizations of vegetable dishes Leon in the sixties the anti nuclear resistance Plogoff
in 1981, among others. This tax revolt is basically an expression of ras-le-bol type
"autonomist" (tax, it is the State, it is Paris) which, together with the issue of
standards (there is "Brussels") creates a revolt both "liberal" anti-bureaucratic and
anti-centralist.
http://oclibertaire.free.fr/IMG/pdf/Tract_Carhaix_Bonnets_Rouges_30_11_13-3.pdf
So what better than the standard Breton to move forward a community of interest, or
supposed to maintain relationships, the social fabric and lifestyle linked to a territory,
particularly the UK Centre where many people "Cope" with odd jobs and trade practices for
living better in town for the same budget. In addition to the Breton population, this
identity reads as "negative" in the distancing devices of various Parisian ... they are
labor, management, policies. What is stronger than the feeling of collective rejection to
weld a bunch! If the MEDEF, the FNSEA, FNTR union confederations, parties did not call in
Carhaix (inverted November 2 remake), local small businessmen, union rank and file workers
or farmers and carriers, they were there ....
PROJECT IS IN BRITTANY CAPITALIST?
Bosses think tank Circle Locarn the Glon, Soft and other Henaff would retain Brittany
populations under their control, further strengthening their hold through local
institutions to maximize their profits and enhance the conditions of shit prevalent in the
food Breton (hardship, light wages, line work, flexibility, ...).
But there is another project for the capitalist Britain, and the Great West.
Metropolisation Rennes Nantes Saint-Nazaire is a juicy prospect for the "big" capital, the
long-term maintenance and general costs (human, environmental, financial) of agrifood
production of poor quality and superabundant, subject overproduction of chronic and
commercial rivalry renewed with emerging economies. This metropolisation, which enjoys
considerable resources to accelerate its implementation began over 20 years, is not an
exception.
Thus, several major regional cities redraw a new layout of hexagonal territory. Nantes
metropolis will not be without consequences for the Breton territory. For example, the
international airport project Notre Dame des Landes aims to concentrate most of the
airlines of the Great West, to eventually drain traffic from other nearby airports and
reach breakeven. Similarly, the city of Nantes is supposed to focus on cultural resources
(schools, universities, research centers and creation, museums, convention centers,
concert halls) to radiate by supply and artistic education, to attract rather easy,
classes likely to consume and provide labor suited to industries most innovative and
profitable business work.
Metropolisation this year (which opponents of the airport project Notre Dame des Landes
resist to preserve their way of life and reject a large project imposed unnecessary) does
not bode well for the network of small and medium-sized cities that Inland Brittany has
retained, to allow sufficient mesh of its territory and maintain a business, services and
useful or necessary shops and not too far. The logic of the city of Nantes is to
concentrate, economic, infrastructure and financial resources, cultural humans to reach a
critical mass, to create from this pole optimal environment to economic initiatives and
have a chance to survive in the competition international, with the transformation of the
Breton territory hinterland future regional metropolis active and trendy ...
The consequences for the people of central Brittany will not gain autonomy to control
their future and solutions tailored to their needs. As the reasons for struggle against
the inhabitants es airport project Notre Dame des Landes - and therefore metropolisation -
will resemble the red caps to live and work in Britain decide without Parisian bureaucrats
or Nantes, do have their say on their business. The question is this: how a human
community living in a territory can it withstand projects and changes imposed by external
powers or logic, without having had his say.
It is a little sense of what the Khmer Bonnets. So how to question these two struggles for
their paths and their respective dimensions can be mutually reinforcing? The critique of
progress and productivism, the report of the human nature, the definition of means to
satisfy the actual needs, the practice of public debate in general meeting horizontally
without central office, these issues often addressed to Our Lady of Landes would question
useful practices and demands of the movement of food Breton. It would be a real blow to
the Cultural Revolution.
Conversely, the scale of the movement of Red Hats in central Brittany, an extensive on a
substantial and diverse population of working class territory, requires politically think
public intervention beyond a ZAD 2000 confidential hectares and hermetic for the greatest
number. The respective negative prejudices are net, but as a first step, open a channel
for discussion and exchange of information would be valuable. Especially the PAL 44 "heir"
of the peasant movement worker, which reflects the practice of peasant agriculture is very
invested in the defense of the ZAD and the sketch can be a bridge between the peasant
movements. In short, it is very urgent and necessary to talk and think together to hope to
win, against the state and capital.
Nantes, December 2.
PS: No. 335 in December of Alternating Current , an article discusses the basics of crisis
in food Breton, including the history of an industry that has destroyed the traditional
peasant agriculture the largest benefit banks, Cr?dit Agricole leading, multinational
agricultural machinery, seed producers and other phyto-sanitary.
Here more than elsewhere, the idea of ??Progress has served the dishes to big capital.
Movement Bonnets Rouges is the product of the crisis of this destructive agribusiness ...
and nurturing!
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