How we emancipate the lucrative property, labor market, the extent of the value of working
time? Building on what already subverted because the class struggle on the wages of wage
setting institutions anticapitalist product. ---- It is a "yes" deliberate wage conquests
(measuring the value of the qualification producer, salary for life, the founding
contribution of a possible co-ownership to use all the tools of work) that can found an
offensive mobilization of wage labor, that is to say the class that will generalize these
wage setting institutions in the confrontation with the violence of capitalist
expropriated to be together will be deleted in the labor market.
With the struggles of the labor movement, the very deadly measure of value by labor time,
clean capitalism, is already exceeded for more than a third of GDP, which measures the
qualification producers the value produced by civil servants, retired es, carers, the
unemployed, and parents to a lesser extent (because family allowances became a wage cut
package qualification). Naturally, this proposal does not make sense for those who think
that all those I just mentioned certainly produce use values, but no economic value, and
spend part of the value produced in the capitalist sphere through "tax burden" on the
latter would be the taxes and contributions. They find in their reading of Marx enough to
keep this discourse associated himself with the capitalist narrative that there is value
than capitalist, public services and social security as an expense.
Historicity of the value
Thanks to Marx, I read something else. Forty years of collaborative research for much of
the first hand, the socialization of wages in Europe Bismarck (which includes, for the
only Western Europe, Germany, Austria, France, Belgium, Italy and to a lesser extent
Netherlands Netherlands, Portugal and Spain), in its confrontation fiscal-financial system
unique to Europe Beveridge (British Isles and Scandinavia) [ 1 ] has led me to conclude
that the labor movement has made ??considerable points in his fight against the wages as
the price of labor and against the measure of value by labor time. And this against my
assumptions, which forced me to move to another reading of Marx, that of ind?pass? thinker
of the historicity of institutions and analytical categories that attempt to account for
it. Yes, there was something new, and revolutionary new won at great cost in terms of value.
I insist on the historicity of value, because even when researchers pose with strength
value is the fruit of social relations, as Jean-Marie Harribey in his fine book The Wealth
and inestimable value [ 2 ] they actually do as if that was not the case, as if the
capitalist practice of value was not worked by the class struggle, as if there was an
essence of the value (or as if according to the position advocated by the school of
critical value position, the value was a clean institution capitalism would disappear with
him in a sort of Apocalypse under the weight of internal contradictions in capital).
Pay offensive
From the example of France, I developed in the Heads of wages [ 3 ] some ideas on what
could be a wage offensive in Bismarckian countries, the majority of Europe. If, through
the assessment and tax (but the ambiguity of the institution is such that it must be
replaced by the assessment), over one third of GDP is produced without the labor market,
without measuring value time and without lucrative property, we have a platform to build
the wage as a revolutionary class with the objectives for the total abolition of the
lucrative property and the labor market, the renunciation of measuring the value of
working time, and positively:
- The allocation of the total GDP salary as three contributions to pay for life, for
investment and for other expenses of public services (being free to expand considerably),
with the right for everyone to participate deliberation in managing these funds
contributions [ 4 ], boxes to be loaded, with their cross-cutting nature, cooperation and
macro-economic conditions of production;
- 18, the award to anyone - and not to use - the first level of qualification and thus a
first level of unconditional wage, the possibility of a career salary for example between
1 500 and 6 000 euros net, and the right to participate in the jury deliberation
qualification;
- Co-ownership to use all the tools of work by employee-es of the company or the public
service concerned and stakeholders, the right decision in terms of hierarchy, investment,
production and working conditions, provided that these decisions will (conflictual, but it
is the key macro-economic cooperation) articulated to those boxes and panels discussed the
first two points.
The case of pensions
I conclude with an example. Mobilization on pensions determined to push further the
already-there salary lifetime retirees must in my opinion claiming retirement at age 55, a
pension of 100% of the best net pay whatever the length of career (deletion of annuities
and points in the calculation), funding exclusively by an increase in gross wages and
contribution rates. And not: full rate at age 60, taxation of capital, 75% of salary
(gross or net?) Return the best decade career full of 37.5 years (or 35) with enlargement
of their calculation ( integration of training time, coefficient of hardship ...). All
these claims enclose us in the field that are selected reformers of the pension as
deferred income.
Bernard Friot
More details on: www.reseau-salariat.info
[ 1 ] 1. For a summary of this comparison, I refer the reader to the first chapter of the
new edition of the wage Powers , Paris, La Dispute, 2012. See also B. Clasquin and B.
Friot (eds), The Wage under Attack: Employment Policies in Europe , Brussels, Peter Lang, 2013
[ 2 ] 2. Paris, The Links that release, 2013.
[ 3 ] Paris, La Dispute, 2012.
[ 4 ] 4. Investment banks also decide monetary creation, investment under both the
allocation of a portion of GDP and anticipation is that money creation. Recall that these
funds will finance investments without loan and therefore no refund.
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