A recent document PSTU, titled "Anarchism and Socialism: the individual and the collective
in mass mobilizations," tries to be a "defense of democracy", a critique of anarchism
while an analysis of youth movements and protests. The document is not a serious analysis
of anarchism and even less the protests of Brazilian youth. ---- It shows as well the
contradictions of Brazilian reformist Marxism. Despite being PSTU, the document could be
signed by almost all the communist and socialist parties of Brazil. He puts the contents
of anarchism is the "liberal-individualism" and in this sense, is a text TACAN ho the
history of the labor and socialist movement. Anarchism PSTU the accused is not anarchism
that exists in Brazil, the Bakuninism or even eclecticism. He ignores these expressions
and reduce anarchism to a mere ghost out of their individualistic delusions. Ignores much
of the world was built by unions and socialist collectivist anarchists. This attitude is
typical of Marxist historiography: the only party begins by constructing denying the
plurality of the history of the labor movement. In this respect, they design in their view
of history that claim to fight authoritarianism: for these, the history of the labor
movement is the story of one thought, Marxism. This narrow-minded analysis, that any
amateur historian knows nowadays that does not match the reality, the roots of this
invention is an evil which the text seeks to combat.
There is a sense of denial of the political system, political parties and their
reactionary role? Yes, we said. The analysis of bourgeois elections we conducted show
that. The null votes and abstentions are not necessarily a sign of depoliticization, but a
profound break with the political system. It is an indication that the masses reject the
bourgeois political parties and elections, distrustful of it.
What are the roots of this antipartid?rio feeling? The bourgeois parties are mafias, the
people look at these parties as gangs of criminals and looters. But what said parties of
the working class? These, PT, PCdoB, SoL and PSTU, which has planted? The reformist and
Marxist parties (with rare exceptions) have an instrumental relationship with pluralism
and democracy. Democracy serves to express the positions of the party when in the
minority. When the majority, that democracy contradicts the positions of the party and
gets hit unceremoniously. And here is one of the roots of "non-partisanship" they intend
to fight. These parties have been disrespectful and authoritarian extramente relations
with the bases in the student union movement. They trample the bodies and systematically
betray the causes and struggles of categories.
It is possible that this critical feeling presents itself as a deviation from the right?
Everything is possible. But the emergence of antipartidarismo and its expression in the
demonstrations is only a first stage in the formation of this mass movement process. The
political debate is just beginning. And it's far from a sense of right. There is a
conservative discourse that attempts to depoliticize through antipartidarismo? Yes But
there is also another conservative discourse that attempts to depoliticize partidarizando
it, as if the mere existence of parties was a sign of democracy and politicization. If so
Brazil would be the most democratic country in the world. But it is not. Anyway, this
presents an opportunity rejection of reformist critically reassess their bureaucratic
practices at the risk of being caught by the popular movement, with banners and everything.
Ie, the authoritarian reaction of wanting to suppress the participation of the parties is
proportionate and inverse reaction to the work that these parties have done in recent
years to suppress the action of the masses, to safeguard and prosecute this action (the
right wing parties, as PSDB , PMDB, and the reformists too). That this belief is primarily
expresses an authoritarian manner, is not surprising. Thus, the reformist parties are
reaping what they have sown: authoritarianism. Are now bearing the legitimate reaction
that or do not want to accept the reformist guardianship and the eternal decisions from
the top down, so the taste of bureaucracies. What it generates is not anarchism, but the
decades of authoritarianism, bureaucratization and betrayals of entities and directions.
What is the solution effectively anarchist? Bakunin, Makhno, Durruti always been defenders
of freedom, but they were also staunch defenders of decision making power bases. An
example: the anarchists have always been staunch opponents of the Church and religion. But
a part of the anarchist revolutionary program for religious freedom. The same happens with
the Freedom Party. It is true that everyone should have freedom of expression in the
popular culture. Everyone should have the right to carry their flags. This is a necessity:
the authority is fought with freedom, authoritarianism will not lead to revolutionary
politics, but the reformist and reactionary. The authoritarian method of imposing
non-partisanship to try to combat reformism, anarchism relies on the method of combat
libertarian reformism, by theory, program and form of revolutionary mass organization. The
action itself will weed out recalcitrant conservatives.
How to fight authoritarianism and peleguismo reformism? Self-organization and direct
action class. In this sense, mass actions as attempts to seize the national congress and
ALERJ serve to differentiate. But this fight can not begin or end on the street. It has to
happen on the streets and in everyday life, the workplace and study. Where youth must
fight the positions of reformist parties and their authoritarian authoritarian feature
without using weapons, ie without back against authoritarianism authoritarianism? In the
base assemblies in workplaces and associations and manifestations. It is the suppression
of the right to bear flags that fight authoritarianism and reformist bureaucracy. But is
performing direct classist and combative action that makes the difference. Struggling to
maintain power bases of workers and students, with the revocability of mandates and
collective leadership. Fighting the bureaucracy of the Congress workers and students
fighting bureaucracy and authoritarianism in everyday life.
That is why we call on activists and working class youth to build a class and
internationalist trend, only vaccine against the union bureaucracy and reformist party.
The masses have taken a big step: rediscovered direct action. Now it appears to the heat
of the battles the self-organization of a class and internationalist trend by creating
oppositions base.
Neither authoritarianism, not reformism!
Self-organization of the working class and youth!
***
Popular Anarchist Union (UNIPA)
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» Brazil, Uniao Popular Anarquista - UNIPA - Causa do Povo #68 - Reaping what you sow: authoritarianism, anarchism and non-partisanship (pt)