The article that we publish is written on the eve of the coup in Egypt on Wednesday, July
3. ---- Despite its limitations - our friends in Tunisia does not agree "when it ensures
that social claims fell" in their country - but also, one might add, the relative absence
of internal issues, social class, the ongoing revolution in Egypt, this article has the
merit of presenting some of the elements that seem crucial to meet in regional / global
context of the failure of political Islam and also dangers does this takeover of the
situation by the military and let's face it: this strange alliance between a large part of
the Egyptian army with revolutionary, political leader and economic structure of the
former dictatorial regime yet they fought, which maintained its position of power in
Egyptian society since the beginning of the revolutionary process and is found to be
completely linked and dependent on the imperialist policy of the United States in the region.
Clearly, the revolution continues.
Premature end of the Muslim Brotherhood?
July 2, 2013
Santiago Alba Rico *
Things are going very fast. There is just one model year seemed so irresistible force in
the new Arab world in gestation from popular Intifada that should lead to power through
democratic means, "moderate" Islamists associated with the constellation of Brothers
Muslims. This is what happened with Ennahda in Tunisia and Egypt with the Party of Justice
and Freedom, in Libya, they did not win, but they are undoubtedly force the better
articulated and the pus influential, in Syria, they also dominate the opposition in exile.
This model is supported by Qatar, dwarf hoisted on huge financial stilts, and especially
Turkey, a country ruled by the Islamist AKP, whose "Arab Spring" has given him the
opportunity to restore a historic regional influence in a turn policy that many analysts
have called "neo-Ottoman."
The irresistible rise of the Muslim Brotherhood - in a sense, the standardization of a
balance of forces repressed or illegal - also explains, for example, the change in
position of the Palestinian organization Hamas against the regime of Bashar al-Assad, whom
she was an ally there is still just over a year.
But this model, which has promised to democratize and stabilize the region without
economic disruptions and for that relied on the support of Western powers, quickly showed
its limits under the triple pressure of the global economic crisis, the geostrategic
conflicts and popular. mobilizations Naturally, we can not put the events of the last
month in Turkey in the "long wave" of the "Arab Spring". While it is true that some like
the other - as 15M, Occupy Wall Street and now Brazil - based on the same "tectonic fault"
of capitalism, there is between the Turkish and Arab Intifada - for so to speak - five
years apart. But beyond the specifics, what is undeniable is the impact of the Turkish
revolt in the Arab world, in that it has seriously eroded the prestige of this "model of
democratic transition," the Erdogan and the AKP, which seemed to reconcile democratic
cleaning, tradition and economic growth.
The Turkish model, or what is the same, the model of the Muslim Brotherhood has quickly
eroded, as also evidenced by the abdication of the Emir of Qatar Hamad Al-Thani for his
son Tamim. In Tunisia, the latest polls show the wear of Ennahda, which has lost about 10
points from the October 2011 elections. And in Egypt, a more massive than that toppled
Mubarak unprecedented popular mobilization, has these days Mohamed Morsi and his
government on the ropes.
For those who like us, from the left, have announced and desired this drift, this news
should rejoice. It makes us happy. At the same time, it is difficult not to consider the
question: is not it too early? Is it too fast? In Tunisia, where social mobilization has
decreased, but where political polarization, the alternative increases Ennahda is not the
Popular Front, a coalition of the left, but Nida Toun?s [Call of Tunisia], the party
nostalgic of Bourguiba and fouloul RCD (Ben Ali's party), plus Islamophobic secular
forces, which, for example, voted against the so-called Protection of the Revolution Act,
which prevents ministers and leaders from dictatorship to exercise public office for seven
years (if only in Spain, we had such a law after the death of Franco). Further to the
right, also in opposition, we have the Salafists, getting better organized in the
neighborhoods where they earn a specific support for young people who made ??the
revolution (I have friends in Qasba flirting today 'Today with Ansar al-Sharia).
Unlike Egypt, the Tunisian army is not a "political" institution, but many analysts have
felt alarmed by the recent farewell speech between threatening and solemn Rachid Ammar,
Chief of Staff, now retired, who acquired great fame and prestige for refusing to fire on
the people during the revolution.
In Egypt, the events are huge, moving, promising, but also disturbing. Fruit growing
unease of a population that has been betrayed all democratic and economic hopes, they meet
all the opposition from the tireless revolutionary youth to the many disappointed by the
left parties voters through the fouloul dictatorship . Their legitimacy stems from their
number, their scale, their transversal nature, but seems to leave little issues.
Unlike Tunisia, the Egyptian army is the political and economic pillar of the state and
its tradition is anti-democratic and pro-American. And there is a big difference between
an army whose soldiers refused to fire on the people and join a revolutionary movement and
a military high command gives an ultimatum to a legitimately elected government in
democratic elections. This is called a coup d'etat and the press release issued yesterday
by the Chief of Staff - giving Morsi within two days to respond "to the demands of the
people" - is actually a threat glance Military State - as indicated by the statements of
Obama - has ?tatsunien support. The United States can not want it now, it's just, most
likely, a strategy to put pressure on both parties, but are disturbing the cheers of
Tahrir following the declaration of army, and the immediate release Tamarrud (Rebellion),
the movement that called for demonstrations and greet with enthusiasm the military
interference.
This collapse "too early" and "too fast" model ikhuani (Muslim Brotherhood) threatens to
return the Arab world to a "pre-spring" state, with a clash between secular
authoritarianism and Islamism radicalized, which the left - with people - is once again
the victim of Bashar al-Assad must be rubbing their hands in satisfaction, as it was from
the beginning, his strategy: stop and return the time people over time and geostrategies.
sectarian dilemmas (General Lesser Evil seems Bernanos) There are few sights more
disgusting -. outside pounding on the chest, and hypocritical rhetoric of those who claim
to support the Syrian revolution from the West and the Gulf - the support of the Assad
dictatorship to revolutionary Tahrir. While our allies in Syria, who are Taqsim, the
Puerta del Sol, Tahrir, those who continue to struggle against both al-Assad and against
Nosra (events in the liberated areas are systematically silenced by our media), the
"solidarity" of the assassin of Egyptian democrats with Syrian Democrats (who are tempted
by the army) the full measure of the complexity the situation and the many dangers that
threaten the popular movements.
___
(*) Santiago Alba Rico is a writer and philosopher of Marxist origin. He lived several
years in Cairo and Tunis since 1998.
Translation: XYZ / OCLibertaire
Source: http://www.cuartopoder.es/tribuna/fin-prematuro-de-los-hermanos-musulmanes/4786
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