Since more than 2 years, the counter-revolution in Egypt came in the form of the power
sharing between 2 sectors of the state and the bourgeoisie. On one side, the muslim
brotherhood, which stood for the spare wheel of the mercantile bourgeoisie and occidental
states to prevent any social revolution, were running civil affairs. On the other side,
the army, standing for the backbone of the egyptian state, kept a key position in egyptian
economy, trhough monoopoles, but also in the political power structure. ---- This
objective alliance was built at the expense of the egyptian working class and popular
classes, but also at the expense of women, religious minorities, as welle as all of those
who desired freedom and social equality. This alliance relied on a bloody repression, made
of assassinations, arrests of union and working class activists, the use of rape as a
weapon of political terror, the banning of workers strikes.
Insofar, the struggle for power between this 2 parts of the ruling classes never stopped.
The muslim brotherhood thus removed the general Tantaoui, from the Supreme Council of
armed force (SCAF), last November, whithout however questionning the military power, and
using it against popular revolt.
Nonetheless, the revolt against religious fascism, against the power of the army, and an
increasingly dramatic social situation for the working class, escalated steadily. In that
context, the muslim bortherhood stopped to be seen a credible spare wheel against popular
anger by a fraction of the bourgeoisie and to the occidental states.
The 2nd of July, the Egyptian army therefore forcibly took the power, putting an end to is
objective alliance with the muslim brotherhood. It thus instrumentalise the popular revolt
for its own interest, foreign from the interest of the popular classes, of the women and
religious minority. But it cannot obscure its pasts abuse, as well as its economical power
position.
The situation shows clearly the need for the popular classes to organise on an autonomous
way to avoid the instrumentalisation of their struggles and sacrifices. As our egyptian
comrades stated :
?What?s happening now is nothing else than a musical chairs game between two parties
fighting for (state) power ; these two parties seeks to instrumentalise the revolutionnary
movement to make a political profit out of it, the revolutionnary movement is played by
rival forces who are fighting for (state) power . The masses can assure their power only
if they organise by themselves, and unite against the competing forces that deprives them
of their right to practice democracy being free to take anay decisions that affect their
life. The enemies of the revolution are the (state) power and everyone who struggle to
take it, the brotherhood, the clergy, the business men, the military !?
(Socialist libertarian movement, June 25 th, 2013 )
Solidarity with the Egyptian popular movement, solidarity with the Egyptian libertarian
socialist movement!
Neither secular dictatorship, nor religious dictatorship : Popular self organisation !
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