The intense mobilization against the reactionary Taubira law allowing marriage and
adoption for homosexual couples allowed the far right to rebuild a youth in a mass
movement. At the end of the protest period, it remains in the divided together, even if
the most radical groups have gained confidence in them. ---- Other items in the folder: *
A national coordination against the far right to fight * in Lyon, fascists take their ease
* They do not indiscriminate * mobilization antimariage for all enchanted by the extreme
right ---- For several months, an unusual situation, is right down the street. The first
rallies against marriage for all and equal rights left yet point to a marginal and
caricature mobilization. Men and women prayed each in turn, are separately by an unlikely
allegory of heterosexual couples: a guy in lycra waving its wings painfully cardboard.
But the reactionary quickly succeeded to smooth their image and boost the challenge.
Bright colors, loud music and well-oiled communication: "The demos for all" were well
hidden the headbands and Barbours Fleece set before young people wearing pink sweatshirts
and dancing on Queen.
Demonstrations for all reactionaries
Marriage for all is the only reform the PS government offers a profoundly unacceptable
societal orientation for conservative and reactionary right. The UMP, and in particular
the tougher trends gathered around Cope and Peltier, made the point of crystallization of
its systematic opposition strategy. This has not been unanimity within the party. It must
be said that the game "more radical than me you die," the UMP was facing serious clients
who is a regular contributor to cover actions in his public statements. We thus find the
members of the UMP alongside Catholic anti-abortion movement, such as vita Alliance, a
structure similar to Boutin and represented by Tugdual Derville. Such porous association
allows the encounter between militants classic right and extreme right.
Competitors traditionalists Lefebvrist Civitas seemed unsure of how to proceed. Minority
in the movement, they have alternated participation "Manifs for" tail procession and
organization of distinct events. They missed the boat on 24 March. While that day,
right-wing fanatics and young right jostle CRS arm in arm at the end of the AKI for all
fundamentalists Civitas organize them a national event a few weeks later that barely meet
three hundred people, yet at the peak of mobilization. If the direction of the FN has so
far adopted a more cautious stance, preferring to cleave other topics, we could see some
Frontists personalities appear in processions of Manifs for all, as Marion Marechal-Le Pen
and Gilbert Collard.
A May 68 right?
The most radical, perfectly tolerated by the organizers, so have found Manifs for space
unexpected response. These are the first opportunity for them long to intervene in a mass
movement. The moment is historic and, informally, some leaders of the rightwing admit even
live their "May 68."
From April, the shares margin demonstrations increased. They are initiated in the first
instance by the French Spring, which the French traditionalist Catholic activists Renewal
(RF), the identity of the Bloc or the royalists of the French Action (AF) are quite
similar, at least in the shares hit fist. With the exception of Third Way, all radical
splinter groups are well represented in the street. Petain of the Youth Nationalist (JN)
and students Gud are also at the heart of clashes with security forces. I must say that
these events are a godsend for those groups.
Since the election of Fran?ois Hollande, they opted for a strategy of frontal opposition
to the government. Then they led far as thematic campaigns on the "Islamization of
France", insecurity, etc.., The Identitaires have for example started in May 2012, the
Holland campaign "is not my president. " A review halftone
When they should be like fish in the water in this movement, the extreme radical right
organizations did not seem to reap significant gains in their activism within it. Their
strategy was limited to physical confrontations, leaving the political facilitation tasks.
The nationalists, more political but also more presentable, have managed to recruit some
people, especially among relatives of the National Inter-University Union (Uni, student
organization right or extreme right). For other organizations, the parade on May 12, when
annual mobilization has not revealed an exponential increase in their numbers, despite the
organization of national mounted.
They are also deeply divided, and the feeling of being in a perfect time to advance their
issues and make their movements probably generates a rising rivalry. May 12, no fewer than
five events were held throughout the day. The Gud Lyon, originally near JN, marched with
the RF, but this is the only beginning of significant political realignment. Nationalist
Revolutionary Third Way skinheads are isolated, getting angry with everyone in their
search for hegemony over the Parisian radical milieu. RF and AF have well earned few
militants but have not crossed the significant milestone of growth.
The hearing of all these movements is however much greater. They were able to experience
practical mass intervention and received extensive media coverage. Their themes were
advanced in French society, but more importantly, ultra-nationalist activists and future
leaders of the "classic" right factions side by side in this mobilization and learned to
know. The proliferation of street actions seems to have finally restored the confidence of
the extreme right. Expelled from the streets of Paris for years, it is believed allowed to
attack the rally on May 1, in memory of Brahim Bouarram murdered by skinheads in 1995.
Of AL antifascists
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