Libertarian alternative was invited to speak to the activists of the NPA during their last
meeting. The opportunity to reflect on the direction favored by the organization meet the
challenges of the current period. ---- The New Anti-Capitalist Party congress (NPA) in
February 2011 was marked by a crisis that did not reveal a majority of ideas around
strategic direction. She had worsened a few weeks later when Olivier Besancenot announced
he would not be the party's candidate in the 2012 presidential election. Part of the
leadership of the NPA was then entered in dissent to create a public power, the
Anti-Capitalist Left (2011), became a full-fledged political organization in June 2012 and
a member of the Left Front in stride. ---- After the crisis ---- This crisis has long
since reached the same Congress from several thousands of activists to the point that the
NPA claims now 2500 instead of 9100 when it was founded in February 2009.
We can assume that the worst of the crisis is behind the NPA, is what suggests the slim
majority (51%) obtained by X platform bringing together activists like Poutou Philipe,
Christine Poupin, Olivier Besancenot, Alain Krivine and Fran?ois Sabado, but also the fact
that the exchanges were less electricity than the years 2011-2012.
However tensions were evident between members of the two major platforms (X and Y, which
she obtained 31.5%), both in the direction of operation (especially on the issue of
pluralism and the possibility for different strands together to build an organization at
all levels).
On the first point, while emphasizing the need to build a relationship of force by
struggles, and highlighting opportunities rupture brought by the reactivation of the Arab
revolutions and anti-austerity protests, the Advocates of the orientation majority chose
to articulate their strategy around the prospect of an anti-austerity.
This option is part of a commitment to continue the project to gather initial NPA
revolutionaries and reformists es disappointed by the traditional reformist organizations
and radicalized es. It is thus a way not to break completely with the anti-capitalist NPA
who left to join the Left Front. The problem is that such a policy is likely to lead the
NPA in a poker game, it aimed to challenge the Left Front, whose hegemonic pretensions to
the left of the PS leave little room for the co-development and political unity with its
partners on the left who have not made the choice to join.
More seriously, such a position can only lead to defend the prospect of a political outlet
in the institutional straitjacket. This register returns to the struggles in the field of
governance, instead of promoting the construction of struggle and against powers, leading
to the assertion of people's power completely controlled by the workers, employees and the
wider are oppressed system of capitalist domination, productivist, racist and patriarchal
present. This is a formula that prevail logical unit on self-organization.
Promote self-organization?
The NPA also know that this card will not be easy to play because the Left Front will do
him no gifts. It is so true that the majority of theses also argue that the only possible
political groupings are those with other anti-capitalist forces and revolutionaries.
Revolutionaries and wider anticapitalist claiming self actually have more to gain from
uniting to promote self-organization and the emergence of an emancipatory project whose
heart will support the construction struggles, networks and mass organizations, self,
better able to break with the capital.
Experiments conducted anti-capitalist group in Toulouse, Nantes, Brest, Agen show that
such work can be productive unit and carrier dynamics.
Front office and front-capitalist one hand, or popular front for an anti-austerity on the
other hand, are both logical and two different strategies.
There is a matter of debate. And it is in this sense that al addressed the delegates.
Laurent Esquerre
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