In Peru, one hectare in five was sold to multinational mining including half of the
farming land of the communities of the Andes mountain range. Ordinary people and nature
are the most affected by the greed of corporations that accumulate gold, silver and copper
on the altar of speculation. How the population is mobilized shows significant changes in
social action. ---- "We were crushed by 20 years of internal war" , says Hugo Blanco,
veteran Quechua peasant leader who led the struggle for land reclamation in the 1960s to
Cusco. Now, he is optimistic: "The conflict Conga first and now the Kanaris shows that the
social struggle progresses, but in other ways, through local groups that are more
representative of real struggles that old confederations who are bankrupt " . [1]
Peru is a mining country. Since colonial times, the mines have reshaped the social and
political map of the indigenous peoples who inhabited the Andean region. In recent
decades, the mining activity is reflected into the arts and literature, the brand was
particularly strong among the peasants, as reflected in the novels of Manuel Scorza, one
of the most renowned writers Peru [2]. Despite this, the fight against mining has not
figured prominently in the imagination Peru.
However, in recent years, there has been a major turning point. The year 2012 has been one
of the greatest social conflict. As indicated by the Observatory Mining Conflicts in Peru,
the intensity of conflict is reflected in the polarization they produce and their ability
to change the order of the day. Conflicts against mining resulted in two alterations
government of Ollanta Humala, in December 2011 (only six months after taking office) and
in July 2012, while celebrating its first year in the chair Pizarro.
"Ten years ago, it was unthinkable that conflict mining in a remote area of ??the country
to reach the first page of major newspapers and be present for several weeks in almost all
media" reports the Observatory [3]. But the main novelty is that "social conflicts related
to mining have also become major political conflicts." Even the rating agency Moody's
stated investment that how the government faced conflict Conga can be detrimental to the
mining sector.
Understand the importance of the fight against mining approach involves three aspects: the
mega-mining as one of the main forms of transnational capital accumulation in Peru,
peasant resistance to community character and therefore territorialized that connects with
five centuries of indigenous resistance, and modes of non-centralized coordination, that
is to say, the new crop of political action.
Peru in the eye of colonialism mining
In November, there were 24 million hectares of mining concessions, which represents 19% of
the total area of ??the country. The mining area mainly affects rural communities of the
Sierra and the Coast of central and north, where nearly half of their territory was
granted to mining companies. [4] In fact, 49.6% of the land of peasant communities have
mining concessions. Almost half of the hydrographic region Pacific (47%) is granted to
mining, where 65% of the population has only 1.8% of the volume of water in the country.
[5] This is why arguments official saying that mining benefits the country are rejected
outright by the villagers who suffer the loss of their land and access to water.
A recent report from the Metals Economic Group indicates that the fall in stock market
values ??in the world promotes investment in the mining sector grew by 44% in 2010 and 50%
in 2011, after a sharp decline in 2009. [6] The Latin American region is the premier
destination for mining investment, with 25% of the total, which differ Chile, Peru,
Brazil, Colombia, Mexico and Argentina. In 2003, only 10% of the global mining investment
is directed towards Latin America.
Peru is next to Chile the first mining investment destination in the region. In 2010, the
Latin American region provided 51% of the money in the world, half of lithium, 45% copper,
27% molybdenum, 25% tin, 23% zinc and bauxite, 19% gold and 18% iron. [7] Until 2020, the
mining sector will receive $ 300 billion of investments.
Peru has made a great leap forward as a recipient of foreign direct investment. In 2012, $
11 billion came into the country, an increase of 34% compared to 2011, which can be
compared with the average of 1.6 billion between 2000 and 2005. [8] The problem is that
the mining and hydrocarbons represent the bulk of investments. Approximately two thirds of
this investment has been in the area of ??natural resources, and only 8.7% in the
manufacturing industry.
This type of investment reinforces dependency exploitation and export of natural
resources. The Peruvian journalist Ra?l Wiener says that 30% of the country's tax revenue
from mining and that "the only more or less rapid increase funds in the short term and to
achieve social programs that promises every candidate for winning elections is more
investment in the mining sector so that the sector would fight to do harakiri ". [9]
Peru became the fifth country in the world with the highest growth in exports, which rose
from $ 7.6 billion in 2002 to 45,700,000,000 in 2011. Approximately 60% of the ore and 10%
of oil and gas products exported without treatment [10]. He is the first Latin American
exporter of gold, zinc, lead and tin, the second largest producer of silver and copper.
According to projections in the coming years, the trend of investment and exports focused
on mining will increase. Mining concessions have doubled between 2006 and 2010, according
to the Observatory of Mining Conflicts.
Resistance in the Andes
During the second half of 2011 and much of 2012, the main conflict mining and social
development has been recorded in the region of Cajamarca in the north of the country, the
overwhelming opposition of the population proposed operation of the Conga gold and silver,
the Yanacocha Mining Company, owned by the American company Newmont Mining Corporation.
The mining company already operates for more than twenty years, a gold deposit 50 km north
of the city of Cajamarca, at over 3,400 meters, the second largest gold mine in the world.
In recent years, Yanacocha has experienced a decline in production due to depletion. Why
the Conga project is an alternative to society. But the population already knows Yanacocha
and rallied to the defense of water for several years. The main problem is that mining,
which involves the use of cyanide and mercury affects altitude lakes that supply rural
communities and cities.
In November and December 2011, the resistance of the people of Cajamarca [11] was solved
with the declaration of a state of emergency and the militarization of several provinces,
which was followed by a replacement of the government with the start of a Much of
progressive ministers. In the district of Bambamarca, one of the most affected by Conga,
the population has prevented the soldiers can perform the ceremony of salvation flag and
Celend?n, the epicenter of the conflict, the soldiers were driven instead by population
[12]. The peasant patrols (round farmer) arrested soldiers who tried to prostitute minors.
In 2012, there were 167 active conflicts: among them, 123 are qualified by the Ombudsman
[mediator, ombudsman] as "socio-environmental", while only seven were disputes "work."
Farmers find themselves without land and water react with all the strength they have,
mobilizing their communities. A survey shows that 78% of the population of Cajamarca
oppose the project Conga. Although the epicenter of the resistance is in Cajamarca, and
more recently Kanaris (Lambayeque), mining disputes cover the entire country.
Watching reality more closely, we see that the population has been on an amazing variety
of ways. She created fronts defense provincial and local consultations conducted municipal
and provincial marches, strikes and roadblocks regional. One of the most important is that
farmers realize the round, community organizations born of self-defense in the 1970s in
Cajamarca and Piura in the fight against cattle theft. [13]
The ronderos Cajamarca Bambamarca Celend?n and the three provinces closest to the mine
Conga, camped around the lagoons massively affected by the mining project in order to
conduct surveillance work and prevent any work of the company in the zone. Mobilization
began in November and are called the guardians of lakes.
Celend?n camp was destroyed by the police, why Command Unit Control Cajamarca decided "to
build two houses for round farmers on the basis of work minga [community support] for the
ronderos and visitors can spend the night and continue committed in the fight ". [14]
Faced with this struggle for control of the territory, the government responds with the
militarization of the region, while the Yanacocha farm roads and farmers. Communities have
responded by placing signs on all roads and in all the villages and hamlets that say
"Territory rondero without mining, "followed by the name of the place. A practice similar
to that undertaken by the Zapatista bases to reassert control over their spaces.
The state of emergency and the militarization of several provinces have resulted in 17
deaths between December 2011 and September 2012, according to the Asociaci?n Pro Derechos
Humanos (APRODEH). Five villagers were killed in July 2012 Celend?n Bambamarca and three
for attempting to eradicate small informal mining in Madre de Dios (on the border with
Brazil and Bolivia), two Espinar (Cusco) in resistant mining company Xstrata, one in
confronting the mining company Barrick in the department of Ancash.
The government of Ollanta Humala to an order issued in 1095 by the former government of
Alan Garcia that allows the intervention of the armed forces in the control of internal
order and qualifies those who protest as "hostile groups" while violations human rights
committed by the forces of repression are judged by military courts. [15]
New forms of organization and action
During the last two months became a new conflict in the northern province of Lambayeque.
Farmers explained the conflict in a very simple way that reveals their worldview: "The
basis of our Indigenous resistance is the intrusion and invasion of our ancestral lands by
the mining company Candente Corporation Cooper-Ca?ariaco "[16].
To strengthen their position in the face of public opinion, they produced a consultation
communal September 30, 2012 in which 95% of the population voted against mining. On
January 20, they went on strike and the regional police injured 25 farmers during a
blocking roads to prevent the Canadian company Candente Cooper continues his project to
operate three copper deposits.
A paragraph of the Manifesto of February 5 reveals the gap between the state and
communities: "As a condition for dialogue, we demand the immediate withdrawal of police
forces from our territories, because according to our customary communal security is
guaranteed by peasant round and nothing justifies the presence of a large contingent of
heavily armed police in the region ". [17]
They added: "We are the indigenous authorities, municipalities and round and we are not
willing to give up our principles and our rights as peoples to accept subordination to
colonialism which breaks the natural structure and authentic people natives. '
However, many analysts and observers believe that in Peru there is no social movement and
believe that the movement against the mining industry is fragmented and there is no
connection between the different struggles. Researcher and activist Raphael Hoetmer wrote:
"The movements of Peru are not centralized and articulated in national organizations,
solid, but rather a fragmented nature" [18].
In the same work, in which he polemic with those who believe that there is no movement, he
found "a situation where people do not need to mobilize national organizations, but at the
same time there are difficulties to link together different agendas with local and
national agendas ". [19] In fact, large organizations have no role in the fight against
mining.
It then reports the struggles won victories, but they do not give rise to the creation of
powerful organizations. "There are great difficulties to transform these victories in
stronger organizations" [20]. Indeed, he notes that there are major struggles that are no
longer run by powerful social organizations of the past as the CGTP, the CCP or the most
recent CONACAMI [21].
This is where it seems necessary to change the view. Hugo Blanco, who lived through the
period of large organizations within the CCP and now accompanies the movements of
Cajamarca, is very clear. In his opinion, it is to coordinate struggles while moving
"towards a democratization growing movement in which communities are run and not leaders.
And not deviating their core business to electoral campaigns " . [22]
In a few words, it addresses three key issues: coordination of struggles without creating
bureaucratic apparatus, that it is the people who decide (what the Zapatistas call
"obeying orders"), and avoid the temptation to distort electoral struggles by embedding in
state institutions. Although he does not say it, he speaks of a new political culture. The
old culture has already shown its limits.
Ra?l Zibechi
Ra?l Zibechi is international analyst for the weekly Brecha de Montevideo, teacher and
researcher on social movements at the Franciscan Multiversity of Latin America, and
adviser to several social groups. He writes the "Monthly Report Zibechi" for the Americas
Program
www.cipamericas.org / es .
Resources
Ra?l Zibechi Interview with Hugo Blanco, Lima, 22 February 2013.
Central Unica Nacional de Rondas Campesinas: http://cunarcperu.org
CooperAccion: http://www.cooperaccion.org.pe/
Hugo Blanco. "Agua s?, Mina no", Cusco, 2012.
Lucha Ind?gena , Cusco. Monthly magazine directed by Hugo Blanco.
Metals Economics Group, "World Exploration Trends 2012" ("Trends in Global Exploration"),
Halifax, 2013.
Observatorio de en el Per? Conflictos Mineros "11 ?. Reporte semestral ", Lima, December,
2012.
Raphael Hoetmer, "Los Movimientos del Per?: Nueve hip?tesis sober conflicto social
movimiento y, y una afirmaci?n epistemol?gica" Crisis in there Movimientos social Nuestra
Am?rica, Programa Global Democracia y Transformaci?n, Lima, 2012.
Servindi (comunicaci?n intercultural) www.servindi.org
Estudio: Tipos de peasant patrols en el Per?
Alan Ele, "Mujer Invisible: Historia de una visita a la familia Chaupe, Celend?n Free
Notes: [1] Interview with Hugo Blanco. [2] In particular his five novels are available on
the epic struggle of Andean peasants to reclaim land: Drumroll for Rancas ( Redoble por
Rancas 1970), History of Garabombo the Hidden (1972), The Cavalier Insomniac ( El Jinete
Insomne ??1977), Song of Agapito Robles ( Robles Cantar de Agapito , 1977) and the Tomb of
the Lightning ( Tumba del Rel?mpago , 1979) [3] Observatory of Mining Conflicts Peru, op
cit, p. 28. [4] Ibid, p. 32. [5] Ibid, p. 30. [6] Metals Economics Group , "Global Trends
2012 exploration". [7] Reuters , 16 April 2012. [8] Global Investment Trends Monitor ,
UNCTAD, No. 11, January 23, 2013, p. 6. [9] La Primera , 12 April 2012. [10] Ministry of
Foreign Trade and Tourism, "Resumen de Exportaciones 2011," Cajamarca is a department, but
is also one of the twelve provinces of the department and the name of the capital city of
the province. [12] Lucha Ind?gena , June 2012. [13] It is estimated that there are between
200,000 and 250,000 ronderos throughout Peru, grouped round about 8000 committees. In
Cajamarca, cradle of round peasant, there are approximately 100,000 ronderos assets. See
http://cunarcperu.org [14] Comando Unitario Lucha-Cajamarca, 1 February 2013.
http://cunarcperu.org [15] APRODEH, "Neither a muerto m?s" ("Not one more death")
pamphlet, Lima, September 2012. [16] Manifesto of round peasant communities and Ca?aris,
Incawasi and Salas indigenous peoples in defense of water and life, February 5, 2013. [17]
Ibid. [18 ] Hoetmer Raphael, op cit , p. 230. [19] Ibid. [20] Ibid, p. 236. [21] General
Confederation of Workers of Peru, Peasant Confederation of Peru and the National
Confederation of Peruvian communities affected by mining. [22] Lucha Ind?gena , March
2013, p. 8.
From: http://oclibertaire.free.fr/spip.php?article1329
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