This work condenses some moments of the Brazilian media, linking its platform (print,
radio or television, analog or digital), the technological leap to master this value chain
of symbolic goods and the relationship with the conformation of the ruling class,
centering the axle analysis the ability to (de) regulation of the Brazilian state. Thus,
developing a record (without coming to a finalized timeline), under the Political Economy
of Communication (EPC), thus considering the appropriation of communication resources
under capitalism, used primarily to support and playback system, and peripheral
experiences developed non-hegemonic. ---- This study is part of a trajectory of research
involving the relationship communication, and political history that marks the trajectory
of the authors, directly or indirectly present in previous research and current authors.
Also refers to the experience of researchers and Brittos Valerio Bruno Lima Rocha and
former teachers of the discipline History of Communication in Social Communication Course
at the University of Vale do Rio dos Sinos (UNISINOS).
The sources are primarily bibliographic research, analyzed not only in cruising, but
considering the trajectory of observation, research and teaching of the first two authors.
Since the period of analysis focuses primarily on twentieth century and early twenty-first
century decade, despite passese the nineteenth century when, belatedly, the press is
deployed in the country, with the arrival of the Royal Family. The study takes into
account the specifics of the communications field: on one hand, the symbolic role of
cultural products ensures you a feature of capitalism that goes beyond the direct
profitability, and the way communication system with the society and on the other,
subsumption of goods in communicative capitalism is partial, where they can open up
loopholes non-hegemonic.
Throughout this article we highlight key periods, beginning with the nineteenth century,
with the arrival of the printing press in Brazil - in the midst of a transition that leads
to agreed decolonization of the country - and the previous scenario, marked by controlling
the movement of the metropolis media, which reflects the weakness of the circulation of ideas.
The next moment, the topic on the counter-hegemonic printed communication - situated in
the middle of the first quarter of the twentieth century - versase on the
counter-hegemonic efforts, initiated by workers and equipment presses alternative cultural
gestated by the class itself.
Covers up, immediately, the advent of radio in the country - from the 1920s - the first
experiences transmutation of radio media - originally founded in educational pretensions -
the hegemonic business model, through its popularization, essentially linked to economic
and political interests in line with the status quo. Further, it is the period
conventionally called Golden Age of Radio, where radio, captained by Radio National,
reinforces the then federal capital and cultural center of the country of issue.
In later years, within the private sector, benefiting from the existing regulation, there
is the complex media corporation de Assis Chateaubriand. This complex supports the
emergence of television in Brazil, since 1950, the point from which is devoted to the
following topic: analog TV, elitist phase of the early instrument of social cohesion and
identification of a country of continental dimensions , despite the notorious
concentration of poles emitters in big cities - problems about which is also reflected,
not to mention the emblematic case Globo network. The broadcaster Roberto Marinho can
still be considered an archetype of the entry of foreign capital in the context of an
authoritarian regime civil military condescending. This regime which included the
ideological support of Brazilian television.
In the wake of democratization, we address the problem of distribution of radio and TV
concessions and policy issues involved, through the vigorous presence of politicians in
the private media and the consequent public spectrum use as raw material for minting coins
exchange political-physiological, sharp practice in the 1980s.
Finally, we discuss the current stage of communication in Brazil, the multiplicity of
supply permeated induced by replacing the technology platform that, especially on
Brazilian television, is subject to traditional hegemonic structures observable in the
analog system, despite the democratizing potential Scanning the existence of windows and
counter-hegemonic. Beaded is still scanning the radio, ongoing, and cable TV.
Print media and nineteenth century
While going through a turning point in Brazilian politics, decolonization agreed with
transition in the nineteenth century, Brazil feels the gap between non-literate culture
and the production capacity of a liberal discourses ranging from liberal-conservative and
conservative. The press arrives in the country with a huge delay, even with respect to
colonial America: Mexico, the first workshop refers to 1539, while the United States is
1638. The press arrives in Brazil in 1808, along with the transfer / trail Portuguese
Royal Family to the country, curiously surreptitiously, a ship's hold Medusa.
The control of the press in the colonial period, included within the so-called ban on
manufacturing, did not feel the absence of the introduction and circulation of political
speeches and not assimilation of transformative ideas for the season. Despite the ban the
press until 1808, periodicals and books already circulating before that, so imported or
illegal, among the few members of the elite interested in reading. At the same time,
elapsed attempts deployment of the press in the eighteenth century, soon eliminated by the
Crown and its representatives. Anyway, the absence of Brazilian universities helped to
contain the flow of ideas. Still, the first strike in the modern sense of the word was a
category of workers charts Niter?i, in the mid-nineteenth century.
As political elites were relatively small, the printed word circulated with little volume,
but forcefully, intraelite. In this sense, the journal as a way to "party" has ensured its
achievement, since the census voting and political life of the parliamentary monarchy does
not allow for shaping ideas advanced type of liberal-radical, the printed word and the
world of discourse itself policy. Anyway, for which there was low participation, the
little print media circulating assured condensation of thought and the dominant opposition
possible, with no popular elements.
Communication counter-hegemonic mass of printed and non-literate
The concept of ownership of the media and journalistic reflection that the phenomenon
involves the formation of elites and minorities informed and noted specialist in Brazil in
the first period of training and struggles of the working class in the country (1900-1935).
Most of the Brazilian working class, composed of nationals or immigrants of first and
second generation, then was non-literate. The diffusion of ideas of class conflict and not
a pseudo-Matching imperaria had to overcome the barrier of the movement of non-literate.
Come into play cultural techniques appliances, attachments and related union struggles, as
a constitutive part of the discourse of class.
These devices cultural echoed the speeches of leaders Organic workers. In moments of apex
media workers when it strikes gave the city control (Rio de Janeiro, S?o Paulo, Porto
Alegre), relied on rallies speakers simultaneously, without amplification, which gave vent
to discourses related to online political newspaper workers. These vehicles were often
printed on commercial printers, outside of business hours. In many other cases, were made
in an improvised way, "in the printers 'backyard', in the basement of a house and even
made homemade", "reaching readers 'that led the way'" (Carneiro, 2003 : p. 46), despite
the concreteness of the modernization of the press, already experienced in that period -
even if only among a few vehicles entrepreneurial character.
Radio and no national strategy
While acknowledging that any comparison of historical periods is a recklessness and may be
challenged, it is a digression here. The inability of the country to put on their agenda
the government advancement of information technology is already being noted in the patent
war Typical phase of monopoly capitalism.
Father Roberto Landell de Moura is a public demonstration of his experiment of radio
transmission in 1900, obtaining his patent in 1901. Until today, however, is not
internationally recognized work Landell de Moura, and the Italian physicist Guglielmo
Marconi considered the father of radio, while innovation was introduced, widespread and
commercially formatted from the United States.
In Brazil the advent of radio occurred in the 1920s, as media elite, inaccessible to the
masses, turning to those who have the purchasing power to import from outside the
receivers, too expensive at the time. Evidence showed that the first radio broadcasts were
made in Brazil by Radio Clube de Pernambuco in 1919. However, the official history
describes that on September 7, 1922, during celebrations of the centenary of Brazilian
independence, were the locals who heard the radio for the first time (Ortriwano, 1985: p.
13). On occasion, the enthusiasm was not only higher because the profusion of wheezing
crossed in front of the voice of the then president, Pessoa, who was speaking. However,
the first project of broadcasting in Brazil, and not doing media experiences, gave up only
next year. It fell to pioneer Edgar Roquette Pinto, in 1923, the inauguration of the first
radio station in the country. It was the Radio Society of Rio de Janeiro, whose goals were
primarily educational, which led to the unfeasibility of the proposal when the business
model prevailed, causing the station had its control transferred to the federal government
in 1936. At its foundation, however, the enthusiastic anthropologist Roquette-Pinto went
on to say that "radio is the newspaper who can not read, it is the master who can not go
to school; [...] the guide for healthy, since who performed with high spirit and selfless
"(Chagas; Figueira; Mazzonetto, 2010: p. 9).
Brazil did not have an industrial or manufacturing of transmitters or receivers and, while
most of the population remained non-literate and was vetoed the vote to illiterates. This
lack of strategic objective to create an environment movement of information will be felt
in other strategic issues such as the defense of Brazilian oil. The illiteracy of
Brazilian enabled a huge expansion of radio, but not to fight this condition or to discuss
major national issues. Its incorporation was essentially to allow the economic revenue
from private groups or broadcasting policy objectives of governments and political
operatives in both cases sustaining the system.
Age of Radio and domain enclave of cultural capital of Brazil
In so-called Golden Age of radio, the then capital of the Republic strengthens its
position as capital "cultural" of Brazil. The "control of speech," appeared in the New
State Radio National, and then remained on station for very much of the period of
so-called populist democracy, has its counterpart in the funding models of electronic
media in Brazil.
The regulation, or lack thereof, is noted in the private sector, when the complex
corporation Chateaubriand it is worth funding mechanisms repayable (rather "unorthodox"),
the possibility of importing powerful transmitters for the time and not the development of
national industry for the industry.
Caparelli cites that in Brazil, the radio acted as a mediator of the hegemonic discourse
of class to the other classes of society (Caparelli, 1986). Through such discourses,
maintaining a style that favored a particular class at the expense of other social strata
was justified and protected, thanks to the efforts of diverting attention from nerve
problems in the adopted model. One has to also consider the fact that:
Many radio stations AM Brazilian, even today, are characterized by canalizadoras play the
role of popular demands through programs run by broadcasters, many of which have been
transformed successfully into professional politicians [...]. More recently, television
journalism has also assuming that role plumber demands through the so called "community
journalism" (Lima, 2009: p. 23).
Upon culmination of radio communication, the model concentrator private auspices state
emerges and consolidates. The binomial print media (newspapers and magazines) and radio,
added to state funds and direct political intervention, is the Associated Newspapers of
Assis Chateaubriand a concrete model of leadership in oligopoly.
Chateau like magnate was known, was indeed responsible for the implementation of official
television in Brazil, in September 1950. At the time, his media group already owned, and
radio stations consolidated, the very popular magazine O Cruzeiro, a publication
considered technically cutting edge, perhaps the hallmark of modern Brazil. The future
inflection occurred at the entrance of foreign capital in order structuring on Brazilian
TV and the new state model, nationwide, arising after the 1st April 1964.
Analog TV and its early stages
In the early stages of the TV, the Elitist (19501964), the Populist (1964-1971) and
Technological Development (1975-1985) (Mattos, 2002), played key role in the relationship
between the national capital and asymmetrical relations of capital with the Brazilian
government and its decision-making centers. The national project anchored in cultural
codes "common" that could replace a lack of social cohesion and identification continental
country beyond the standard language.
Before the notorious tendency to geographical concentration in big cities like Sao Paulo
and Rio de Janeiro - set when the network model in the late '70s, with the viability of
microwave transmission and dissemination of the videotape - groups television set
production their media products in those regions. Left to other broadcasters throughout
the Brazilian territory, the title of affiliates, most of the time repeating contents.
This model structure passes through propugna??o cost reduction (Dias, 1979: p 264). And
thereafter extends to be passed to the radio media, albeit in a much lower.
Such a model is, at least potentially, the cooler regionalisms, rather than a
standardization that exposes the middle classes in profusion centers Rio and S?o Paulo as
a model for all of Brazil, the result of a phenomenon that produces media to and from
major centers , neglecting the other locations, seen as less profitable, by including not
being large consumer markets. Moreover, today the local space arises revalued, even as
commodity, because the idea of ??a single national programming with strong international
elements, provoked reactions from stakeholders on its content closer to reality.
Symbol hub model, TV Globo occupies the leading position after 1965, through their
relationship with the center of political decision-making and the inflow of foreign
capital (Time-Life), allowing the construction of a high standard tecnoest?tico,
representing creating its own language and its consolidation as a trainer / deforming your
field and market.
The case Globo - Time-Life, described by Guareschi (1987. P. 44-48), among others, reveals
itself as an archetype of a species of economic ties which the private media may be
submitted: the multinational. In 1962, the Globe, then roll in, nodded to the proposal
from Time-Life, which offered a contribution of more than $ 5 million. The U.S. group was
pursuing its diversification strategy drew on the globe to help build an apparatus that
allowed him to transmissions with superior technical quality. The inflow of foreign
capital continued for subsequent years, and TV Globo in Rio de Janeiro was launched in 1965.
The amount derived from outside clashed with Brazilian law, which prevented the entry of
international capital in the national media, with a view to maintaining the sovereignty.
The infraction resulted in a Parliamentary Inquiry Commission (CPI), which, in 1967,
declared the agreement globe - Time-Life as illegal. The country, however, since 1964, has
lived the juncture of civil-military dictatorship. The then President, General Castello
Branco, before the discovery of the CPI, acted mild, granting a deadline for
regularization of occurrence.
Guareschi also shows that TV Globo, since after the coup and at its facility (1965), and
"serve as a channel of entry of foreign capital in the country, as has happened in other
countries in Latin America," was active the weakening of public opinion against the
maintenance of civil military dictatorship introduced shortly before, in 1964, providing,
to the extent possible, elements for legitimizing the coup (Guareschi, 1987: p. 47).
The authoritarian regime post-1964, in turn, can be considered one of capitaneadores phase
populist Brazilian TV, to the extent that, before an explicit autocracy, "media outlets
begin to exert a role in spreading ideological, but for this you need to create public.
And this also occurs via establishment adopting strategies popularization from a series of
programming changes "(Barbosa, 2007: p. 178th). Besides the function of ideological
diffusion, popularization of programming was advocated by the increase in consumption led,
above all, the policy of credit expansion.
Democratization and regulation as a bargaining chip
With the return of formal democracy (representative), is a clear overrepresentation of the
network system, with the intersection between affiliates and affiliates, respectively
broadcasters whose capital is held by the heads of the network and those that retransmit
their content, but have other owners. The overrepresentation occurs in the Congress
itself, where an average of one third of deputies and senators in each legislature is
composed of owners of radio and TV.
In Brazil the political ties are, in fact, strongly present in the private media. The
format of Brazilian distribution concessions television and radio leaves it to the state,
at least theoretically, the possibility of giving "the final word on who will explore the
precarious title" (Caparelli, 1986: p. 23) loaves of public spaces in the spectrum.
Caparelli reveals that during the dictatorial regime civilmilitar, more precisely in the
period between 1964 and 1979, 112 were distributed concessions for the exploitation of
broadcasting by private enterprise, far more than the 33 grants authorized in the
immediately preceding years, 1950 to 1964 ( Caparelli, 1986: p. 23rd).
About the distribution of concessions by the state, Caparelli says are "dictated by
political patronage or by simple unfolding of economic power" (Caparelli, 1986: p. 80).
The power of symbolic goods radiate mass is given to groups that represent the same
political and economic interests, discouraging thus the plurality of ideas in full public
spectrum.
During the Constituent Assembly itself granting channels was a bargaining chip to lower
order themes and casuistic, as the duration of the presidential term. Between 1985 and
1988 the then president Jos? Sarney pleaded to support the approval of the five-year term,
the concessions being broadcast used as an instrument for the realization of this project.
Grants were distributed mainly to "politicians, parliamentarians, former parliamentarians
and political leaders or business groups with ties to political parties or groups", while
none of the concessions was aimed at "institutions of civil society non-governmental
unions or ordinary citizens without Linking partisan political groups or others "(Ahmed,
1999: p. 109). Figures provided by Antunes realize that in the period, 1,028 frequency
spectrum, which almost sold out, were paid into - to enable radio and television - by the
then communications minister, Ant?nio Carlos Magalh?es (Antunes, 1994: p. 111th). Many
politicians began to engage in the business of communication.
It is an emblematic case of distribution concessions as fostering political connection to
the media, exemplifying the thesis that not only the state exerts pressures that enable
political connection with the media, but, as Faraone (1979: p. 159), the actual owners of
the media, are not rare in political activity. This takes place especially in relation to
regional media. In such terms, the potential issuance of symbolic goods is used for
political purposes, not acting as a democratic instrument - an epithet which means looking
to take - but as factor imbalance in electoral processes. In these circumstances,
deception - as a distortion of facts - and that lead to favoritism votes are used.
The rise of new elites civilians in a country implies spray nationally integrated local
networks of small complex electronic and print media, reproduction in local spheres of
asymmetric relations with the state - both in the concession, as in coverage and funding
via government advertising. At the same time, opens banks to start multiplying the product
offering communication and journalism. Thus, increases the amount available in respect of
symbolic goods, without changing the asymmetrical relationship with the State, which, like
the formation of oligopoly as market class, characterizes the capitalist system.
Multiplicity of supply and new digital divide
The current phase of communication in Brazil and TV in particular, the multiplicity of the
Offer (Brittos, 2010: p. 17-29), was preceded by the period of transition and
International Expansion. This also happens when you exchange technology platform, which,
by the conceptual basis Schumpeterian (Schumpeter, 1982), implies a situation of possible
weakness leaders of business organizations.
Capitalist globalization, in its three interrelated fields, economic, political and
cultural life, makes you feel in the markets of Brazil and communication interface with
telecommunications and transnational occupying leading position in this sector (eg the ISP
Earth and content, the Spanish Telef?nica).
Herein, there are commuting, as the arrival of pay TV in Brazil, the counter-hegemonic
struggle which resulted in the Cable Law, the physical deployment of networks first
coaxial and fiber optic later and the lack of a public access Universal internet.
For Ramos and Martins:
Regulation of Cable TV was, [...], just a moment in a process that advertises itself as
much longer and politically more complicated: the re-regulation of Brazilian
communications, preparing them for mergers, associations and business partnerships, which
could jeopardize our fragile democracy, if not accompanied by the necessary safeguards and
control public access [...] (Ramos; Martins, 2000: p. 169).
Pay-TV comes with cable mode at the end of the 1940s, the United States, as a technical
resource in propugna??o receiving signals before interference occurring especially in
mountainous regions. In Brazil, the first attempts to deploy cable TVs only occur in the
1970s. In our attempt:
Various interests were at stake, especially politicians - centered in the Ministry of
Communications and the Legislature - and the economic, business electronics to major TV
and radio networks. So, we tried to, as usual, the new regulatory service in a dark,
through Decree downloaded by the Ministry of Communications [...] (Ramos; Martins, 2000:
p. 146).
The case of digitization of Brazilian television, in turn, has similarity to the pattern
of development subordinate, where the state ocupase more to ensure the leading position of
one or a few organizations and maintenance of the oligopoly to develop the capacity of
sovereign production strategic knowledge.
Much has been expected of digital transmissions. Transmitted digitally, the images are
free of "ghosts" and "drizzle", because they are tuned or not, and the sound quality
becomes equivalent to the attribute of the CD. This technology is also friendly mobility,
and the sign is already captured by mobile devices, and enables interactivity, albeit at a
higher level that depends on (again) policy decisions, which passes by the interests of
the market (especially) and society ( usually subordfinados).
Upon entering this new era the Brazil needed opt for one of three available patterns.
Chose the Japanese, the favorite of broadcasters, especially private ones. By making a few
adjustments and incorporating interactive software developed by the PUC Rio and Federal
University of Para?ba, designed what has been called the Brazilian Digital Television
System (SBTVD).
Although celebrated by the Brazilian Association of Radio and Television (Abert), the
Brazilian system is not unanimous. Especially for favoring the high definition at the
expense of multiprogramming, which, according to Lia Ribeiro Dias, columnist TeleS?ntese
specialized portal, "limited the number of stations available to virtually" (Day, 2007).
The move to the new technological level could constitute a possible opening for new
players, not only commercial, but essentially the purpose of counter-hegemonic, as unions
and social movements in general, from the share of each channel in four programmers
content, as well as granting of new concessions.
For the amendment would require confronting the hegemonic interests, especially
broadcasters, who made a tough campaign for not entering the value chain network operators
(which could make the management of channels divided into various schedules). This is
another case in the history of Brazilian communication (or the history of the country,
directly) that the chance of any structural change was lost, proving that technological
innovation by itself does not produce a change in the production system.
Although rarely discussed publicly, early this century, the Brazilian radio also is about
to reinvent himself, as has been happening with television. Today, under the analog
system, to install a low-power station suffice ? 5000 in equipment (R?DIO. .., 2006), so
that the greatest obstacle to the emergence of new radio stations "legalized" resides in
procedures legal for a concession by the Union
The digitalization of broadcasting, broadcasts of AM stations must achieve the sound
quality of FM broadcasts. The FM, in turn, should forward with schedules similar to the
sound quality of a CD. On all tracks can transmit data simultaneously to audio.
With the impending digitization, however, the costs increase considerably. The transition
will be costly for broadcasters, especially for community and educational addition to
virtually marginalize calls "free radio". The digital devices are imported and cost far
more than the analog transmission equipment.
The way they are put, the media are an inherent part of the spread of ideologies of a
hegemonic class in society. Caparelli notes that the press, in the capitalist mode of
production, acts to reinforce and expand, contributing decisively to the naturalization of
the domination of hegemonic class (Caparelli, 1986, p.43). In this sense:
in exercising its ideological function, linked to the capital, the media is increasingly
required to fulfill the role of disseminator and introducer of capitalism, a task that,
given the complexity of society, with less force is gradually filled by other
institutions. Using of advanced digital networks, the cultural industries are now the main
vehicle for the presentation and dissemination of live capitalist, now renovated with
pseudovantagens global society (Brittos; Miguel, 2008: p. 38).
However, apparently the windows counter-hegemonic still exist and are appropriate
according to the possibilities of each historical moment, going through issues involving
communication, but going beyond, mainly instrumental in its conception.
Concluding considerations
The mass media influence on individuals, aiding the formation of opinions and decisions
and basing these issues that people discuss during the day, including discussions relating
to election petitions, as suggested by the study of classical and Donald Maxwell Mccombs
Shaw (1972: p. 176-187). Besides the faculty of legitimation, the media acts as a mediator
between the individual and collective experiences, contributes to the activity of
consumption, integrates a new set of institutions, producers and broadcasters of meaning
in modern societies and ranks as the arena of political debate.
In addition to these findings, the absence of a mass of literate citizens reinforces the
policy relevance of electronic media in Brazil. The design of the country and its national
integration in the formation of a market-based communication in the class of oligopoly one
of their bases.
The change in the productive structure in the markets communication does not change the
conformation of asymmetrical relations of economic agents with the state. The opening up
of possibilities gives the arrival of new actors (such as transnational) and not in new
relationships that could move toward symmetry.
Any counter-hegemonic role in the intersection of politics with the Brazilian media
implies the sovereign development of the productive structure for communication (with
convergence in telecommunications) and in the field of media by collective actors and
distinct position in several of the leaders of the oligopoly. Any structural change in
this sector can influence decisively to change the asymmetric relationships in the
Brazilian state.
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