Texts and Documents of Albanian History to 15th century
- 1000 - 1018 Anonymous:Fragment on the Origins of Nations
What is possibly the earliest written reference to the Albanians is that to be found in an old Bulgarian text compiled around the beginning of the eleventh century. It was discovered in a Serbian manuscript dated 1628 and was first published in 1934 by Radoslav Grujic. This fragment of a legend from the time of Tsar Samuel endeavours, in a catechismal ‘question and answer’ form, to explain the origins of peoples and languages. It divides the world into seventy-two languages and three religious categories: Orthodox, half-believers (i.e. non-Orthodox Christians) and non-believers. Though the Serbs go unmentioned, the Albanians, still a small conglomeration of nomadic mountain tribes at this time, find their place among the nations of half-believers. If we accept the dating of Grujic, which is based primarily upon the contents of the text as a whole, this would be the earliest written document referring to the Albanians as a people or language group.
It can be seen that there are various languages on earth. Of them, there are five Orthodox languages: Bulgarian, Greek, Syrian, Iberian (Georgian) and Russian. Three of these have Orthodox alphabets: Greek, Bulgarian and Iberian. There are twelve languages of half-believers: Alamanians, Franks, Magyars (Hungarians), Indians, Jacobites, Armenians, Saxons, Lechs (Poles), Arbanasi (Albanians), Croatians, Hizi, Germans.
[Extract from: Radoslav Grujic: Legenda iz vremena Cara Samuila o poreklu naroda. in: Glasnik skopskog naucnog drustva, Skopje, 13 (1934), p. 198 200. Translated from the Old Church Slavonic by Robert Elsie. First published in R. Elsie: Early Albania, a Reader of Historical Texts, 11th - 17th Centuries, Wiesbaden 2003, p. 3.]
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1038, 1042, 1078 Michael Attaleiates: The First Byzantine
Michael Attaleiates was a Byzantine lawyer and historian who rose to high office under the emperors Romanus IV (r. 1067-1071) and Michael VII (r. 1071-1078). His ‘History’, covering the years 1034-1079, is a largely eyewitnessed account of political and military events in the Byzantine Empire. It was during this period that the Byzantine Greeks first took note of the Albanians as a people.
When the Emperor Michael (1), who passed away in piety and whose home is known to have been the province of Paphlagonia, took up the sceptre of the Byzantine Empire, the Agarene (2) people in Sicily in the West were defeated by Byzantine naval and land forces.
And had not the well-known George Maniakes, who had been entrusted with the general command, been eliminated on the slanderous accusation that he was hungry for power, and had not the military command of the war been transferred to others, that large and renowned island, blessed with large cities knowing no lack of precious goods, would still be under Byzantine control. Now, however, jealousy has destroyed not only the man and his endeavours, but also that enormous undertaking (3). For when subsequent commanders made base and shameful plans and decisions, not only was the island lost to Byzantium, but also the greater part of the army. Unfortunately, the people who had once been our allies and who possessed the same rights as citizens and the same religion, i.e. the Albanians and the Latins, who live in the Italian regions of our Empire beyond Western Rome, quite suddenly became enemies when Michael Dokenianos insanely directed his command against their leaders…
Constantine IX Monomachos (4) proved to be more benevolent on the imperial throne than his predecessor. He conveyed imperial honours and gifts to almost everyone with ambition, and delighted his subjects. Suddenly storm clouds gathered in the West and threatened him with nothing less than destruction and expulsion from the throne. The aforementioned George with the surname Maniakes, thirsting for blood, began an uprising in the Italian part of the Empire with Byzantine and Albanian soldiers there, being offended because the emperor had shown him a lack of respect and fearing the emperor in view of previous hostilities. He caused great turmoil in the rest of the army opposing him and took it over. After having set up his camp at a two days’ march from Thessalonika, he made his attack on the imperial camp in the evening…
When this had taken place and the usurpers had gradually calmed down, another disaster began to take its course and to spread like a poisonous weed intent on destroying the crops. The danger came from the city of Epidamnus (Durrës). The Protoprohedros Duke Basiliakes, who had been sent there by the emperor, having succeeded in avoiding Bryennius and withdrawing from Adrianopole, took over Durrës and assembled an army there from all the surrounding regions. By soliciting support for his side by means of substantial gifts, he succeeded in having the Franks enter his territory from Italy and attempted to make use of them for his side. By various pretences and means, he collected money from everyone under his order and command, set up a list and used as a pretext for this arms buildup the fact that he intended to attack Bryennius as a renegade. Once he had ensured that he had indeed assembled a large army and forces fit for action, composed of Byzantine Greeks, Bulgarians and Albanians and of his own soldiers, he set off and hastened to Thessalonika…
(1) Michael IV (r. 1034-1041).
(2) i.e. the Arabs.
(3) i.e. the recapture of Sicily in 1038-1040.
(4) Constantine IX (r. 1042-1055).
[Extracts from: Michaelis Attaliotae: Historia, Bonn 1853, p. 8, 18, 297. Translated by Robert Elsie. First published in R. Elsie: Early Albania, a Reader of Historical Texts, 11th - 17th Centuries, Wiesbaden 2003, p. 4-5.]
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1154 Muhammad al-Idrisi: The Book of Roger
Muhammed al-Idrisi was a celebrated Arab geographer. He was born in Ceuta in North Africa and is said to have studied in Cordoba, travelling widely throughout Andalusia and North Africa. For reasons which are unclear, he settled at the court of King Roger II of Sicily (r. 1105-1154), for whom he compiled a geography of the known world. This work, known as the ‘Book of Roger’, is divided into seven climate zones. It was completed in 1154 and provides some useful information on Albania and Macedonia.
We can state that Venetian territory, the land of the Slavs and, in general, everything bathed by the Adriatic Sea is surrounded as a zone on the eastern side by a chain of mountains which begins 30 miles from Adrianople (Edirne). These mountains are called Lessû (Lezha) and at the top of them there is a town of the same name. They stretch northwards up to Kastoria and there is also a chain of them across from Drast (Durrës) through which the road leading to that town and elsewhere passes. There, the mountain range is called al-Tamûra (Tomor). Three rivers which flow towards Lablûna (Vlora) and Durrës take their sources there. The first river, that of Vlora, is called the Shuzza (Vjosa), the second is called the Dâblî (Devoll) and the third is called Istrîna (Drin). This chain then stretches from the Durrës road 40 miles up to Jâdhra (Zadar). From the point nearest to Adrianople and the town of Janina there is a mountain range which stretches to the gulf of the Peloponnesian Sea and ends 80 miles from Thebes. Naupaktos is on the coast at the foot of this range.
As to the mountain of Lezha, to which we have referred, it is situated 15 miles from Durrës. It is 30 miles from the town of Lezha to Duljîna (Ulcinj) on the Adriatic Sea. And from there to the mountain it is 12 miles.
This mountain range stretches firstly to near Antibra (Bar), a fair town built on a hillside 3 miles from the sea, as is the mountain; secondly to Qadara (Kotor), a place situated 3 miles from the mountains at the edge of one of the mountain ranges; and thirdly to the town of Ragusa (Dubrovnik), which is also situated at the edge of the mountains.
Across from the town of Kotor, of which we have spoken, and beyond the mountains at a distance of 15 miles is Qâmyû (1), a flourishing town situated near a range of mountains which surrounds it in the form of a kâf (2) such that one can only reach it from one side.
The mountain range continues towards Stagno (Ston) where a huge and lofty range stands out, on which the town is situated. Then on to Asbâlatû (Split)…
Between the Adriatic Sea and the straits of Constantinople there are numerous famed sites, towns and capitals. We intend, with the help of God, to refer to them in detail and in order. As such, we say that the road from Durrës to Akhrisopoli (Chrysoupolis) is as follows.
From Durrës on the banks of the Adriatic Sea, journeying by land in the direction of Constantinople, one first of all reaches Petrela, situated on a promontory at a distance of two days. From there, it is a distance of 4 days to Okhrida (Ohrid). This town is remarkable as to the significance of its prosperity and its commerce. It is built on a pleasant promontory not far from a large lake where they fish on boats. There is much cultivated land around the lake, which is to the south of the town. Its circumference is slightly more than 3 days.
It is a distance of 2 days from here to Bûlghû (Polog / Tetovo), a fair town situated on the summit of a lofty mountain. At one day’s distance from here, travelling to the northeast, is Asqûfia (Skopje), a large town surrounded by contiguous cultivated land, by many vineyards and field.
(1) Unidentified.
(2) 22nd letter of the Arabic alphabet.
[Extract from: H. Bresc & A. Nef (ed.): Idrîsî, la première géographie de l'Occident, Paris 1999, p. 401-403; and E. Cerulli, F. Gabrieli, G. Levi della Vida, L. Petech, G. Tucci (ed.): Al-Idrisi, Opus Geographicum, Fasc. V, Naples & Rome 1975, p. 792-793. Translated by Robert Elsie. First published in R. Elsie: Early Albania, a Reader of Historical Texts, 11th - 17th Centuries, Wiesbaden 2003, p. 21-22.]
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1257 George Acropolites: An Albanian Uprising
Historian George Acropolites (1217-1282) was the tutor of Emperor Theodore II Lascaris (r. 1254-1258) and later became rector of the university in Constantinople. His ‘Chronicle’ of the Nicaean Empire, based to a good degree on first-hand information and personal observations, covers the years 1203-1261.
The Emperor (1) therefore departed for the East and I remained in the western part of the Empire. After setting off from Thessalonika, I arrived in Berrhoia (Veria). The emissaries of the Pope were waiting there, whom I was to send back home on order of the emperor. I remained there for a short time to discharge the papal emissaries and to deal with other business and then, leaving that town, I set off for Albania. Passing through Serbia, Kastoria and the Achrida (Ohrid) region, I arrived in Albania and from there, reached Dyrrachion (Durrës) with the notables of that region. There I remained for eight days and then departed, having given orders as I deemed fit and having made all necessary preparations for the trip, including orders for the city of Durrës itself. I then left Durrës and, passing through Chounavia, crossed the mountain range known as ‘Kake Petra’ to reach Mate (Mat) and from there, Debre (Dibra). I met all the officials who were on my route: city regents, heads of local military camps and officials of the government administration. From there, I reached Prilep via Kytzabis. The journey from Thessalonika to Prilep I covered in three months during the winter (2). It was December when I left Berrhoia and the end of February when I reached Prilep.
Upon my arrival there, I received word of a most distressing event, i.e. the following: Constantine Chabaron, who had been given supreme command over Albania by the emperor, had been taken prisoner by the Despot Michael, and this, due to the intrigues of Maria, his wife’s sister, who had been married to a certain Sphrantzes and was by this time a widow. With her female wiles, she wrapped Chabaron around her finger and won him over with love letters. He was all too susceptible for such things, though he was otherwise a good soldier. Now he was snared in that woman’s trap. In view of this fact, Michael now defected openly. I received word of this dramatic turn of events while I was in Prilep. In much distress, I sent a letter to Michael Lascaris, explaining the whole situation to him and telling him that the rebel was nearing Pelagonia. I also asked him to hasten there himself so that we might join forces and decide on a course of action. We thus met in Pelagonia together with Scuterius Xyleas, whom we regarded as a good soldier well disposed to Byzantium. The Emperor Theodor also thought highly of him since the latter had much military experience. He found the emperor’s favour not only as a person but also because of his favourable opinions about Byzantine rule. At our meeting we decided upon the following: Michael Lascaris was to set off from Berrhoia where he had pitched his camp, taking all of his army with him, both the Byzantine and Scythian (3) divisions, march to Pelagonia and prepare his forces there. Scuterius Xyleas was likewise to assemble his whole contingent of soldiers, which was even greater in numbers, and meet up with Michael Lascaris. They would then do battle together in the region of Pelagonia. This location was suitable not only for a battle against the Despot Michael, but also for fighting against the Serbs, who, as we learnt, had pledged their military support to Michael.
When the two promised to carry out our decisions, I left them and hastened to Ohrid with my retinue to find out whether I would be able to put the situation in Albania back in order. I resolved to send the imperial sewer, Isaac Nestongus, to Albania and gave the usual orders for him to assume the supreme command. I was well aware of the fact that I could make such decisions without the slightest danger, i.e. that I could replace any of the regional tax and government officials, military commanders or local authorities at whim. I then decided to set off for Albania myself to bring the situation in that country back under control and to find out what the sewer had actually accomplished. On my departure from Albania, I took the sewer and all the forces with me because the Albanian people had acted in advance and had already carried through with their uprising. They had all defected to the turncoat Despot Michael. Since I could see for myself that everything was in turmoil, I left Dibra, where I had spent more days than necessary and where the enemy had encircled us, and took Ohrid by storm with several members of my retinue. In Ohrid I left the sewer to guard the castle and, marching through Prespa and a place called Siderokastron, reached Prilep. There I had the impression of having arrived in a safe haven.
(1) Emperor Theodore II Lascaris.
(2) December 1256 to February 1257.
(3) here probably meaning Slav.
[Extract from: Georgii Acropolitae: Opera, Leipzig 1903, p. 140 143. Translated by Robert Elsie. First published in R. Elsie: Early Albania, a Reader of Historical Texts, 11th - 17th Centuries, Wiesbaden 2003, p. 10-11.]
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1267 George Pachymeres: An Earthquake in Durrës
Historian and scholar George Pachymeres (1242- ca. 1310) was born in Nicaea and held high office in Constantinople. His ‘History’ covers the reigns of Michael VIII Palaeologus (r. 1261-1282) and Andronicus II (r. 1282-1328) and constitutes the main source for the period. In it is a moving description of the terrible earthquake which struck the city of Durrës. French historian Alain Ducellier dates the tragic event to July 1267.
After some time, a pitiful and tearful event took place in Durrës. In the course of the month of July, unusual noises caused the earth to tremble continuously, noises which we would normally call a groaning. They portended that something dreadful was about to occur. One day, the din echoed more continuously and more forcefully than it had done previously. The fear which took hold of some people caused them to go and find shelter outside the city, as they were afraid that things would get worse. Night fell upon the groaning din of the previous day and with it, a strong earthquake took place, more violent than any other in living memory. It was not, as one might describe it, a trembling of the earth moving crosswise, but rather a repeated thumping and swaying such that in no time at all, the whole city was turned upside down and was razed to the ground. The houses and tall buildings, resisting not for a second, gave way and tumbled, burying their inhabitants within them. For there was nowhere for the people to escape because the buildings were constructed one beside the other. Indeed, much greater was the chance of survival for those who stayed indoors than for those who ran out of the houses which had been partially spared. None of the buildings survived intact. They collapsed onto one another, and any edifice which happened to have been spared the fate of destruction, was crushed in the collapse of the others. The catastrophe was too sudden and overwhelming to allow anyone to survive by fleeing. For many people, it was like a dream; they never found out in what event they perished. Small children and babies, not understanding what had happened, were buried in the rubble. The din and the tumult were such that the survivors, finding themselves before the frothing surge of the sea, imagined this to be not only the beginning of more agony but indeed the end of the world. As the city was at the seaside and the dreadful quake had taken place so suddenly, those who found themselves outdoors and who had been virtually deafened, confronted as they were by such a tumult and by the din of houses caving in one after the other, could envisage nothing other than the destruction of the entire universe.
The earthquake lasted for quite some time until nothing was left standing. Everything within the city had collapsed and engulfed the inhabitants, with the sole exception of the acropolis which stood fast and survived the quake. When day dawned, the inhabitants of the surrounding area rushed into the city at once and began digging, using everything they could get their hands on: pickaxes, pitchforks and any other tools they could find. Down on all fours, they began excavating, endeavouring of course to rescue any unfortunate victim who might still be alive, but what is more, looking to get their hands on all manner of wealth they could extract from the ruins. As it happened, with the property of the dead, perished the heirs, too, and there was no one left to claim his rightful property. Thus, having burrowed among the ruins for days and, with pitchforks in lieu of sickles, having reaped a harvest of gold, the Albanians and those living nearby eventually abandoned this ancient city to its solitude, a city now only vaguely recognizable, counted among existing cities not for its existence, but simply for its name alone. Its bishop, Nicetas, who had been there at the time, survived, though he was to bear the wounds of the disaster all over his body. At the sight of such a calamity, which no one would ever have thought possible, he panicked and fled, leaving the metropolis deprived not only of his person, but also of its inhabitants, of the splendour of its buildings and of its one-time hustle and bustle.
[Extract from: Georgii Pachymeris: Relationes historicae, Bonn (1835), V. 7, p. 456-461. Translated by Robert Elsie. First published in R. Elsie: Early Albania, a Reader of Historical Texts, 11th - 17th Centuries, Wiesbaden 2003, p. 12-13.]
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1308 Anonymous: Description of Eastern Europe
The so-called ‘Anonymi Descriptio Europae Orientalis’ (Anonymous Description of Eastern Europe) (1) is a mediaeval Latin text from the year 1308 which contains a survey of the lands of Eastern Europe, in particular the countries of the Balkans. Its anonymous author is thought to have been a French or French-educated cleric, most likely of the Dominican order, who was sent by the church to Serbia where he gained much of his information on the Balkans. The manuscript was edited in Kraków in 1916 by Olgierd Górka. In addition to sections depicting the various regions of Byzantine Greece, Rascia, Bulgaria, Ruthenia, Hungary, Poland and Bohemia, it contains a section on Albania, one of the rare descriptions of the country in the early years of the fourteenth century. We know that the Dominicans were active in Durrës from 1304 onwards when the town fell to the West after twenty years of Byzantine rule. In a letter dated 31 March 1304, Pope Benedict XI had asked the head of the Dominican Order in Hungary to send to Albania some of his subordinates of ‘good moral character, active and eloquent’ for missionary activities. With the support of the Holy See, the Dominicans thus had full power to set up a Latin hierarchy of their own liking on the Albanian coast to replace the Orthodox church which had been forced to abandon position.
Now we come to speak of Albania, which, on its southern side, is right next to Greece and is situated between Rascia and the land of the Despot (2). Albania is a rather extensive and large region. It has warlike inhabitants indeed, for they make excellent archers and lancers. This whole region is fed by four large rivers: the Ersenta (Erzen), the Mathia (Mat), the Scumpino (Shkumbin) and the Epasa (Osum). The land is productive in meat, cheese and milk; it is not very abundant in bread and wine, though the nobles in particular have enough. They do not have cities, camps, fortifications and farms, but live rather in tents and are constantly on the move from one place to another with the help of their troops and relatives. They do have one city called Duracium (Durrës) which belongs to the Latins and from which they get textiles and other necessities. The Prince of Tarento, son of the King of Sicily (3), now holds sway over part of this kingdom including the city of Durrës. It was the free will of the landowners who, on account of their natural love for the French, spontaneously and freely received him as their lord (4). From Apulia and the city of Brindisi one may cross over to Durrës in one night, and from Durrës one may travel on through Albania to Greece and to Constantinople much more easily and without all the road difficulties and perils of the sea. The Roman emperors of ancient times used this route (5) for it is excessively tedious to transport a large army in such a period of time by sea and by such long roads. The said kingdom of Albania now has no king, the land being divided among the landowners who rule it themselves and who are subject to no one else. This province is called Albania because the inhabitants of this region are born with white (albo) hair. The dogs here are of a huge size (6) and are so wild that they kill like lions. As Pliny mentions, the Albanians sent such a dog to Alexander the Great, which vanquished lions, elephants and bulls in the stadium. They have painted eyes, greyish in the pupils, such that they can see better at night than in the daytime. There are two Albanias, one in Asia near India of which we are not speaking here, and the other in Europe which is part of the Byzantine Empire and of which we are speaking here. It contains two provinces: Clisara (Këlcyra) and Tumurist (7). In addition to these two provinces, it has other provinces next to it: Cumania (8), Stophanatum (9), Polatum (Pult) and Debre (Dibra) which are provinces tributary to the Albanians and more or less subjected to them, for they are active in farming, tend their vineyards and take care of the necessities of life at home. The inhabitants of these provinces do not move from place to place as the aformentioned Albanians do, but live rather in solid mansions and towns, nor are they entirely Catholic or entirely schismatic. Should anyone preach the word of God to them, they would pretend to be true Catholics for it is reported that by nature they have a liking for the Latins. The aforementioned Albanians have a language which is distinct from that of the Latins, Greeks and Slavs such that in no way can they communicate with other peoples. This is enough on Albania.
(1)
cf. Elsie, Albania in the ‘Anonymi Descriptio…’, 1990.
(2)
i.e. the Despot of Epirus.
(3)
Philip, Prince of Taranto.
(4)
cf. Du Cange, Hist. Const. I. 102.
(5)
Reference here is to the Via Egnatia, the main road of ancient communication between Rome and Constantinople, passing through Durrës, Elbasan and Ohrid.
(6)
Half a millennium later, the English painter and poet Edward Lear (1812-1888) was to make the same discovery on his travels down the Himaran coast in 1848. In his ‘Journal of a landscape painter in Greece and Albania’ (London 1851), he records on 22 October 1848 being attacked by “some thirty immense dogs, who bounced out from the most secluded corners and would straightway have breakfasted on me had I not been so aptly rescued; certainly the dogs of Khimára are the most formidable brutes I have yet seen.”
(7)
Probably in the Myzeqe region around Kavaja. The chronicle of John Musachi speaks of a locality called Tomorista.
(8)
No doubt Chounavia, formerly the site of an Orthodox diocese, somewhere between Durrës and the Mat region, perhaps on the Ishëm river.
(9)
No doubt Stephanatum, a diocese of the time somewhere near Durrës.
[Extract from: Olgierd Górka (ed.): Anonymi descriptio Europae orientalis. Imperium Constantinopolitanum, Albania, Serbia, Bulgaria, Ruthenia, Ungaria, Polonia, Bohemia. Anno MCCCVIII exarata, Kraków 1916, p. 25 29. Translated from the Latin by Robert Elsie. First published in R. Elsie: Early Albania, a Reader of Historical Texts, 11th - 17th Centuries, Wiesbaden 2003, p. 23-25.]
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1474 George Merula: The Siege of Shkodra
The Italian humanist and historian George Merula (1430-1494), also known as Georgius Merula Alexandrinus or Giorgio Merlano di Negro, was born in Alessandria in northern Italy. He studied in Milan under Francesco Filelfo in 1444-1446 and later in Rome, Padua and Mantua. From 1465-1482, he was professor of rhetoric in Venice. Invited back to Lombardy by Ludovico il Moro of the powerful Sforza dynasty, he taught in Padua (1483-1485) and finally at the Accademia in Milan (1485-1494). Aside from his editions and commentaries of many Roman authors, Merula is the author of a moving description of the Turkish siege of Shkodra (Bellum Scodrense), composed in Latin in September 1474. The fortress of Shkodra finally fell to the Ottoman Turks in January 1479.
George Merula of Alessandria conveys his greetings to Jacob Merula and Francesco Gambarini.
I assume you are all waiting anxiously to find out what the savage and mighty enemy of Christianity (1) has been preparing to do against us, in particular if we take account of what he accomplished this summer. Had he attained his objectives, he would easily have committed the greatest massacre planned for many years.
Initially, he intended to attack Italy and to plunge the country into strife, just as our forefathers had suffered severely, who, like beasts, spent centuries hiding in the most isolated recesses of the mountains and in the depths of caves (2). In fact, the Turk initially beat the King of Persia, (3) soundly defeating a good portion of his army by the favourable position he had taken and by means of the military equipment he had. The Persian cavalry, trounced and scattered by the attack and all the commotion, abandoned the battlefield and fled. Then he decided to attack that part of Macedonia which is situated along the Adriatic coast, and turned his attention to the region now called Albania. Had he taken that country, all the coastline including Dalmatia and Liburnia (4) would have fallen immediately under his sway, and, using the workforce there, at very little expense, he would have built a great naval fleet. Then, using his fleet to protect the Adriatic, he would have taken Apulia and Calabria since the distance across the sea from one side to the other is not great, and would thus have secured himself a means of penetrating further into Italy. He was waiting for a favourable moment to let his whole army feed on enemy land.
It was thus at the very time when the harvest was drawing near on the fields of Epidamnus (Durrës) and the other coastal regions, that he summoned his general, whom the Turks in their language call the Pasha of Roumelia, to his headquarters in Moesia, in order to muster an army. This man, having gathered there over one hundred thousand soldiers, and with no one knowing what he intended to do, i.e. whether he intended to attack Pannonia or to cross over to Asia, he pretended to return to Thrace and Adrianople but, after marching for two continuous days, he turned back, traversing in one night the road he had been travelling along. About the middle of May, sending sixty cavalrymen as an advanced guard, he suddenly, without warning, attacked and routed the Macedonians. Then, having taken prisoner all the scouts on the road before word could spread of his unexpected victory, he advanced and set up camp near Shkodra, which was once a Roman city.
Shkodra, situated on the border with Dalmatia and Macedonia, is a well-fortified city, virtually on all four sites, both from its natural position and because of its constructed fortifications. Around the fortress are high cliffs and from up top, one can observe all the plains below. On one side there is a more gradual slope which leads one up to the fortress. The waters of the Buna River flow by, right past the bottom of the hill. Along this river, the waters of a lake, of recent formation, flow into the sea. The river is slightly larger than our Tanaro (5). Do not be surprised that I claim the lake is of recent origin, since it is not mentioned by the Greek writers Strabo and Ptolemy, nor by the Roman authors Pomponius Mela and Pliny. When they mention the region, they refer only to the Drin River. This river flows past Lissus, now called Lezha, which separated Dalmatia from Macedonia. We may assume that, had the lake existed in ancient times, the said, well-known geographers would not have been silent about it. And indeed, islands and boulders from it have found their way into the sea, and other rivers and springs erupt from the earth there, new ones every day, so that one is led to the conclusion that the lake in question was formed a long time after the above-mentioned writers. It has a circumference of one hundred thousand paces and is no smaller than Lake Como and Lake Garda, two well-known lakes of our Cisalpine Gaul.
The local people call the town Shkodra in their language and the language of their forefathers, whereas the Italians have now given it a new foreign name, Scutari. The ruler of this town was Antonio Loredano (Antonius Lauretanus), a man who would have been the pride of his grandfather Petrus, and who was a worthy son of Jacob. It is to him that go the honour and glory of saving the town, or better said, of defending Christianity. In addition, he paid honour to his lineage because he managed to do something quite extraordinary by defeating such a savage enemy.
When he learned that such a huge army was about to attack in the land of Moesia, Antonio Loredano, worried for himself and for his town and knowing the strategic importance of Shkodra for the Turks, gave orders that all grain, wherever it could be found, be gathered and stored within the walls. On the day before the arrival of the barbarians, he summoned and gathered around him in the fortress some of the young men of the countryside who had come down from the mountains. He then gave orders that water be carried up to the town by means of beasts of burden, as much as would be needed for a long siege.
On June 4th, while lightly armed soldiers were surrounding the town with a vanguard and many men were running in all directions to loot and plunder, and while volunteers were making themselves ready for war, the (Ottoman) commander himself made his appearance with the other part of the army. This man, if we can call a man someone who was a eunuch and who once guarded the sultan’s harem, is said to be healthy, robust, and more courageous than clever as a soldier in carrying out his duties. The sultan had promoted him to this level of merit for his achievements in war. He brought with him men skilled in the martial arts, strong of body and courageous. They were followed by equipment and one thousand camels loaded with bronze for casting cannons which are usually used to batter and knock down ramparts.
When this huge army arrived, the whole coastal region was terrified. Even the inhabitants of the coastline of Illyria and Macedonia were petrified, fearing that they would fall prey to the barbarians. Some of them fled into the rugged mountains, while others, having escaped the town, took refuge on the islands with the women, children and cattle. Some had made their way to the mouth of the river and were waiting for ships to take them anywhere, wherever fate should wish.
When the Senate received the news, the fine and noble leaders of Venice recruited new soldiers and gathered a great deal of money without any difficulty. They did not hesitate in giving generously to provide all material necessary to repulse the enemy. They sent money and help in particular to those leaders who were ruling over large parts of the lakeside so that they might be able to resist barbarian attacks in perilous gorges and canyons.
In addition to him was Triadano Gritti (Triadanus Grittus), commander of the fleet and an octogenarian, who despite his advanced age, showed fine resistance and was well concentrated on carrying out his task as best he could. No one believed that he could do it because it was a singular feat. At that time, he was travelling in the Aegean Sea, checking up on the islands thereabouts, and had just arrived at Chios when he heard that Shkodra, a town of great strategic significance, had been surrounded. Turning back, he set off for the Adriatic Sea, gathered his naval forces and entered the mouth of the Buna River, giving orders that his triremes and biremes should sail up the river, using oarsmen, because, in addition to the current of the river, the winds were blowing in the opposite direction. When he arrived at a certain spot where stone embankments had been built out into the water to slow down the current and where fishermen had constructed little huts to catch fish, he realized that the boats could go no further. He decided, in order to be on the safe side, to spend the night near the old church of Saint Sergius (Shirq), which is situated about five miles from the town. He intended the next morning at the break of dawn to embark upon caiques and small boats to see if he could find some route so as to come to the assistance of those under siege. When the enemy found out about the plan from some escaped oarsmen, and realized that the whole fleet could be blocked by them throwing logs into the river at the point at which it was at its narrowest, and thus stop the triremes from advancing, orders were given without delay that all other activities be suspended, that trees be cut down, and that most of the army cross over to the other side of the river so that our soldiers could be attacked from both banks with all sorts of missiles and weapons.
In the midst of such preparations, and while all paths were being strictly guarded to prevent the Venetians from using their spies and escapees to find routes in, a Greek fellow, once taken prisoner by the Turks and forced into servitude, but later appointed by the pasha as a high-ranking official of the region, reflecting on the religion in which he had been raised and educated, jumped onto the pasha’s steed, stole his lance and galloped off to the place where the ships were anchored. He asked to speak to the commander of the fleet and, having boarded one of the triremes, he revealed the enemy plan and informed the Venetians that they were in great danger. As soon as the Venetians heard this, orders were given that the whole fleet be armed and made ready for battle. Ropes were unfastened, anchors were weighed and the sterns of the ships were turned around. The triremes were positioned in a line so that, at an appropriate distance from one another, they could advance against the current. But the moment the sun came up, they could hear from all sides the neighing and galloping of horses, the firing of military equipment and arms glimmering in the distance, and such was the din and clamour that anyone not used to it would have been crippled by fear. The Turks then began shooting arrows and slinging stones at the fleet wherever they could reach it, some using their bare hands, others using equipment. Nonetheless, the fleet advanced, but so great was the amount of stones and missiles hurled at the ships that it seemed that a hailstorm had broken out and covered the vessels. Those who were further away and could not shoot, urged their comrades on with screams and shouts. The Venetians for their part, seeing that they were in a difficult position and were being shot at from both sides, began to attack the enemy with scorpions and rifles and other pieces of invented recently equipment, called bombards and spingards.
The enemy attack was thus repulsed. They landed on the riverbank and chased the foe for over ten thousand paces, breaking their force. Both sides hastened to gain control of a certain site where the river flows through a narrows between two hillocks. There, the two banks are so close to one another that a trireme can hardly get through. The barbarians, with their remaining forces, endeavoured to arrive there first and take up position. They realized full well that they could impede the advance of our ships by throwing logs and harpoons into the water. The Venetians for their part, with the oarsmen rowing as fast as they could, sailed forth with their biremes and triremes, hoping that their great efforts would pay off once they passed the narrows, upon which the barbarians had set their stores. However, whether it was the will of God or it was due to the virtue and courage of the two sides, both the Venetians and the barbarians arrived at Scala (this is what they called the narrows between the two prominent hillocks) at almost the very same time, and a terrible battle took place there. But our men survived the peril. None of their ships - not even one caique - was impeded or caught. This enraged the barbarians all the more because they had already suffered one defeat. Our forces were heading towards the mouth of the Buna and they began attacking the last trireme with rocks and other projectiles, using in their fury whatever they could find. Now the Turkish horsemen, having regrouped, rode right into the river and attacked the oarsmen by seizing the oars with their bare hands. They would not let go of them for dear life except when our men chopped off their hands or threw some very heavy object at them.
Finally, without any of our men being taken prisoner, the fleet sailed and reached a safer location, though five hundred men had been wounded and eighteen had been killed. The Turks themselves had suffered a massacre. This became clear the next day when, following the barbarian withdrawal, our men returned to the church of Saint Sergius so that those under siege realized that they occupied a lofty position. They wanted to make it known to the enemy that they had withdrawn for tactical reasons and not out of fear. There, along the riverbanks, they came across great numbers of bodies of men and horses, some of them floating in the water. Our men, unable to endure the stench, returned to the mouth of the Buna. In the meantime, the enemy had built a bridge, connecting the two banks. They then set up tents along the river and left some ten thousand horsemen there to guard them. Then they departed to plunder all those prosperous reaches and loot the villages, setting fire to homes and destroying fields of grain.
At the same time, the Venetians were transporting wooden planks covered in pitch to Acruvium. Acruvium is a town now known as Kotor. From there, all the material was to be transported by men and beasts of burden over the rugged and pathless mountains and was to be unloaded at the lakeside. There, carpenters were to construct lake boats, more for the war than for the needs of transportation. In addition, over one thousand sailors were then seconded to guard the lake in light boats and dugouts. They were to pursue and harass the enemy which had set up tents along the banks of the river. Although they did their utmost to come to the assistance of those under siege, they did not succeed. This was, firstly, because the barbarians held guard day and night at a narrow gorge between the mountain and the river, the site only five hundred paces wide. The guards did not move from the site, even when shot at from the mountain and from boats at the same time. Secondly, a treacherous vojvode, to save his possessions, took a bribe and did not give our men the support they needed. Because they no longer trusted this fellow and because their tents along the lakeside were unprotected, our men out on their boats abandoned their strategy of direct attack and limited themselves to small guerilla actions, yet never leaving enemy forces a moment’s peace. The latter could not even go out to fetch drinking water without placing themselves in mortal danger. Once, when the barbarians were out looting like thieves and searching for local villagers hiding in the dense forests, some three hundred of them went down to a spring to drink water. There, they were attacked by the local inhabitants, assisted by our soldiers. Our men surrounded them and chopped them to pieces. Unaffected by the fighting were several rocks and islands in the lake where beautiful monasteries had been constructed by Greek clergy. All these people would otherwise have been heartlessly ravaged.
Meanwhile, the enemy made ready some cannons of enormous proportion. They were of such a calibre that, when shot at, the ramparts of the fortress shuddered and most of them collapsed. Nevertheless, those under siege had stored enough material to defend themselves and to repair the fortifications, which proved to be necessary now that the town was without walls. They took a pile of beams and nailed them together, erecting them with earth and mud and thus creating an improvised barrier, like strong ramparts, to fend off the enemy attack. The barbarians then began to launch cannonballs with their bombards, indeed one thousand nine hundred times, destroying both the ramparts and the houses, and believing that their army would now have no problem conquering the city. Orders were given that all iron tools, wooden instruments and other material used for repairing walls and homes be made ready for the attack, so that when their forces took the city, they would at least be sure to reap the benefits of the victory after so much trial and tribulation.
The assault began with piercing shouting, the beating of drums and the blowing of trumpets. Bonfires were lit on all four sides of the fortress. Then they stopped for prayer, adoring the new moon as they lay on the ground, as is their custom. One must know that the Ottomans never engage in a full battle before the new moon, which they greet with great devotion. As such, on August 15th, the pasha promised great reward to those who would could climb the slopes to the fortress, mustered his army, and with two shots from the cannons, gave signal for the attack. The moment he gave the sign, they all rushed out of the camp and ran forth. With great din and clamour, taking with them movable mantlets, beams and poles with hooked prongs, they clambered swiftly up the mountain, rock by rock, path by path.
According to a plan he had prepared before the start of the siege, Loredano, who was second to none in bravery and the martial arts, deployed his forces in such a way that the townspeople, together with the Italian garrison and the young men from the countryside, would be in position, but that they would keep silent and hidden. In this manner, the enemy would not hesitate to approach the base of the fortress. He then chose three hundred men who were to wait at the open square of the fortress, arms in hand, to fend off anyone who attacked them.
Most of the archers were then positioned around the ramparts and a signal was given, a great cry, to call the population out to the walls. The Turks then began their advance on the walls against which they placed their ladders, and in fury started to attack from all sides, such that those within the city did not know which side needed the most attention and where to deploy emergency reinforcements. It was in this strategy that the barbarians had placed their hopes. With a hail of missiles and cannonballs engulfing the fortress, the forces under siege rushed forth with all the arms at their disposal and began to attack the enemy which had already reached the top of the hill. Some of those on the ramparts began hurling huge torches and sharp javelins down at them, whatever they could find, but, where they were able, the Turks held their ground and replaced one another. Nearby was the pasha giving orders, urging his men on, praising the most courageous of them and cursing the cowardly and the lame. Whenever he saw any men retreating, he menaced them with his sword and sent them back into battle, threatening otherwise to execute them on the spot. Thus, although most of the Turks were unable to fend off the stones and missiles being hurled at them from above, and many of them were struck dead and fell to the ground, no one dared to retreat or move from the spot. The people of Shkodra, for their part, prepared kegs full of stones which they hurled down the cliffs on the steepest sides. These struck the Turkish fighters swarming below. They also hurled baskets of sticks and rushes dipped in pitch and set them on fire. The conflagration lit up the area and made it highly visible, to the great assistance of those under siege. Who knows how many enemies were burned and consumed by the flames? For the Turks had begun their siege in the dark of night in order to cover up their dastardly plan and tactics. The savage fighting continued all night long. Those under siege did not have a moment’s rest.
The next day, the attack grew even stronger. The barbarians believed that they had already gained a victory. Therefore, midst the wounded and the missiles, they advanced, trampling over bodies until they reached the edge of the fortifications themselves. In the sections where the ramparts had been knocked down, they brought forth poles with sharp metal hooks which they fixed against the walls. By using those sharp ends, they struck and wounded the defendants, even pulling some of them off the ramparts. But the men of Shkodra were not frightened and held their ground, fighting off the enemy with swords and axes, chopping them to bits on the spot. The defendants from above were slaughtering so many of the enemy with all sorts of weapons and missiles, defending the town with all their courage and with all the strength they had in them, and the battle had reached its zenith. Then, behold!, the barbarians on all sides of the fortress began to withdraw.
The sun had been up for three hours and the ladders of the attackers with the men still on them plunged to the ground. Then the Turkish army began to show weakness and lose courage. The townspeople were heartened by this. Their courage and morale had reached a new height. They sprang over the ramparts and leaped to set upon the fleeing enemy forces who were running back towards their tents. They kept at them right until they reached the enemy encampment, where a savage and bloody battle took place between the two sides, and the tents were shredded and destroyed. Beams and logs were set on fire and, as the wind was blowing against the Turks, some of them were burned and consumed by the flames, while others choked in the smoke and ran away in flight.
The men of Shkodra returned to the town with the banners of the enemy army and the heads of some of the commanders killed during the attack, and exposed them on the ramparts. Brandishing their shining swords, they made great fun of the enemy, challenging them back to battle.
The pasha had been struck on the thigh by a boulder and was wounded. As far as could be learned from letters from princes in the region and from the narratives of those who had escaped the fighting, about seventy thousand men, indeed the majority, were wounded in the battle. There were hardly any fighters who returned to camp without having been wounded. There were no tents in which one could not hear the moaning and groaning of the injured. The fighting had indeed been so savage that the pasha wrote to Sultan Mehmed and reported of the valiant courage of those under siege and of the great damage they themselves had suffered.
In addition to all these events, in the months of August and September, the region is so pestilential that the local people can barely endure the debilitating climate, not to speak of the foreigners there suffering from the deprivations of military life and living outdoors under appalling conditions. For this reason, many of our men as well as the Turks who survived the carnage, perished of fever caused by the bad air and stagnant water of the marshes. When the Ottomans realised what was happening, they gave orders for the siege to be lifted, although they knew that their authority would be weakened if they withdrew their forces.
Thus, at the break of dawn on August 17th, the Turks, after setting fire to their tents, withdrew from the region of Shkodra in complete silence. This was either, as mentioned above, because they were racked with disease and unable to deal with the virulent climate, or because another enemy was attacking them, or, more likely, because they had lost all hope that they could take the city, in view of the fact that those inside the town would resist all the more and would put up with all manner of suffering. Perhaps they were also unnerved by the arrival of Italian cavalrymen on ships, who had landed in Durrës, because they would soon arrive to support the neighbouring army and would utterly destroy the Turkish forces, weakened as they already were.
At any rate, fate was with us. Had the Turks taken Shkodra, it would have given them a base for crossing over to Apulia and advancing in the direction of Rome. There is no man on earth more ruthless than that tyrant. His objective is to occupy Rome. This is shown by the fact that, while they were attacking Shkodra, one could heart voices shouting: “To Rome! To Rome!” They believed that by taking Shkodra, there would be no one left to stop them on their advance to seize the Roman Empire. Once Italy had been conquered, they would be masters of both Romes, i.e. the old one which had once ruled the globe, and the new one which Constantine, one thousand two hundred years ago, having expelled the Romans from Thrace, renamed Constantinople.
I have no words to describe the bravery of the people of Shkodra, and their steadfastness and patience in the face of all these adversities. They achieved what the people of Saguntum in Spain failed to achieve at the time, or what the people of Cassilina failed to achieve in Italy when they were surrounded by Hannibal, as history tells us. Six thousand souls had gathered in the narrow confinements of that fortress - men, women and children - whereas those able to defend the town were not more than two thousand. The rest were not able to bear arms for war.
During the siege, water began to be scarce. The people in the fortress started to drink rainwater collected in holes and to eat partially scorched grain. Not much time passed before they were completely devoid of water, or had very little (because no rain had fallen for a period of fifty days). Those who were not fit for fighting were not given any water at all. Thus, not being able to moisten their parched lips and to slake their hunger, about three thousand people died in appalling and inhuman conditions: women in their husbands’ arms, babies in front of their parents, sisters and little brothers in view of the elder brothers. The people were so resolved and tempered by the difficulties they were in, that the remaining food was reserved only for those who were able to fight. In the end, even the water which had been rationed, began to run out (each man received only two cupfuls a day). Once the thirsting masses had emptied the stagnant dregs remaining in barrels and could no longer endure the siege, having abandoned all hope of salvation, they resolved, following the example of brave men, to set upon the enemy in a lightning attack, either to breach a path for themselves or to die fighting like men.
Loredano, who had prepared a plan for all eventualities, with prudence and incomparable humanity, managed to calm the masses down, who in their despair had taken such a dire decision. He was not ashamed to beg and appeal with words of humility to those affected by extreme tribulation. Falling to his knees before them and with tears streaming down his face, he flung open his arms and told them he was willing to give them the blood of his veins to drink and his heart to eat if they would only hold out another two - at the most three or four - days amidst the calamity of war and siege. Since requisite help was on its way, the enemy would be repulsed and our men’s name would be revered for many generations to come. Though they might have lost hope in assistance coming, they ought still to place their faith in our Lord on the cross, who would save them from that perfidious and inhuman tyrant. And thus it happened. Almighty God in his mercy, taking pity on the people’s great suffering, came to their assistance in a most unexpected way.
As I subsequently learned from letters, Blessed Christ saved his people from the clutches of the infidel because, in all the fighting only fifty persons were killed by the siege and less than one hundred were injured. Two cannonballs of the enemy fell right in the midst of a large mass of people gathered together, and yet only two of them perished. This is tantamount to a miracle. So strong was the assistance our Lord provided to his flock that he saved them from the enemy and all those weapons.
During the war, disease, caused by the unwholesome atmosphere in the marshes, killed others among our men, including two captains, Lodovico Bembo (Ludovicus Bembus), the Venetian ambassador, and Triadano Gritti (Triadanus Grittus), the commander of the fleet. In lieu of them, Antonio Loredano was appointed as the new Venetian ambassador and later as prefect of Shkodra. Everyone rejoiced at this appointment because they all felt that under the leadership and bidding of this man, the Turkish advance would be broken and the Turks would be routed completely. As in ancient times when the Scipio family subjected Carthage to the rule of Rome, thus ridding the latter of its rival, the new leader, Loredano, would sap Ottoman power and return triumphant over such a savage enemy.
The Turks are now constructing a great fleet in Constantinople, as has been reported recently by those who have come from that port. And the city is being revived and fortified as much as possible. All manner of material is being gathered, and skilled experts have been summoned from all corners to carry out fortification and armament activities. Great threats are to be expected from that powerless though haughty tyrant, whose plans this year turned into a disaster. To his great disgrace, he lost over twenty thousand men in the Shkodra campaign alone.
When his youngest son, out leading the elite of his forces in the territory of Cilicia against the Persians, heard of the perdition of the army, he fell ill and died. The sultan then had Mehmed Pasha strangled, one of his advisors and comrades in arms who had taken Euboia and defeated the Persians in battle, either because he feared some treachery or because he wanted to avenge the death of his son who, it is said, was poisoned by Mehmed because the young man had been pursuing his wife and had taken her from her husband. And, as if that were not enough, he had his brother impaled, killing him under the cruelest of torture. He even killed his wife and children by such means.
Our horsemen in the Peloponnesian war took the Turkish pasha and two thousand horsemen prisoner and put them all to the sword. In addition to this, they seized the invincible fortress of Rampani, after taking it by surprise and killing the guards.
By prayer and worship, we may beseech the help of the Almighty, by the grace of whom things are going better and better, that he avert that plague and calamity from his people. If our profanity and evil deeds do merit punishment, let him chastise us with another curse and further affliction, given that many are the scourges of sinners and that God is not lacking in the means of avenging crime. Be of good health.
Venice, 10 September 1474
(1)
The reference is to the Ottoman sultan, Mehmed II the Conqueror (reign 1451-1481).
(2)
The reference is here, no doubt, to the Germanic invasions of the Italian peninsula in the early Middle Ages.
(3)
The battle of 1473 in which the Ottoman sultan defeated Uzun Hasan of Turkmenistan.
(4)
Ancient term for northern Dalmatia.
(5)
River flowing through the author’s native Alessandria in northern Italy.
[Georgius Merula Alexandrinus, Bellum Scodrense. Translated by Robert Elsie.]
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1497 Arnold von Harff: Pilgrimage from Cologne
Arnold von Harff (1), a German knight, traveller and writer, was born in about 1471 into a noble family of the Lower Rhineland (Harff on the Erft, a village northwest of Cologne). In the autumn of 1496, he set out on a journey, ostensibly a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, which took him to Italy, down the Adriatic coast to Greece, Egypt, Arabia, Palestine, Asia Minor, and then back through central Europe to France and Spain. He returned to Cologne in the autumn of 1498 or 1499 and died in 1505. The account of his journey was published by E. von Groote in 1860 and is considered one of the best examples of the period of this genre of travel narrative, which was very popular at the end of the Middle Ages. The text of the narrative is in Ripuarian (Lower Rhine) German and suffers from the usual erratic orthography of the time. During his travels, von Harff was not only a keen observer of his environment, but was also interested in the languages he encountered. In the course of his narrative, he gives short lexicons of words and phrases in Croatian, Albanian, Greek, Arabic, Hebrew, Turkish, Hungarian, Basque and Breton. These constitute what one might call essential pocket vocabularies for travellers, usually including items of food, household and travel necessities and useful phrases such as: ‘Good morning’, ‘How much does this cost?’ and ‘Woman, may I sleep with you?’ The latter question is, incidentally, missing from the Albanian lexicon for one reason or another. It was thus on a stopover in the port of Durrës in the spring of 1497 as he was sailing aboard a merchant galley from Venice to Alexandria, that he jotted down twenty-six words, eight phrases, and twelve numbers in Albanian, which constitute one of the earliest records of the Albanian language.
From Dulcina (Ulcinj) to Duratzo (Durrës) we travelled with a bad wind. This is a great city ruined by the Turks, and is now subject to the Venetians. This city lies in Albania where they also have their own language which cannot be written well, as they do not have an alphabet of their own in this country. I have noted down several words of this Albanian language, which are written below in our letters:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
boicke
vene
oie
mische
jat
foeije
oitter
poylle
pyske
krup
myr
kyckge
megarune
pijne
tauerne
geneyre
growa
denarye
sto
jae
criste
dreck
kijrij
kale
elbe
fijet
mirenestrasse
myreprama
meretzewen
ake ja kasse zet ve
kess felgen gjo kaffs
do daple
laff ne kammijss
ne kaffs
nea
dua
trij
quater
pessa
jast
statte
tette
nante
dieta
nijtgint
nemijgo
bread
wine
water
meat
cheese
eggs
vinegar
a chicken
fish
salt
good
bad
to eat
to drink
a tavern
a man
a woman
money
yes
no
god
the devil
a candle
a horse
oats
to sleep
good morning
good night
good day
what do you have that I like
how much does that cost
I’ll buy it
wash my shirt
what is that called
one
two
three
four
five
six
seven
eight
nine
ten
hundred
thousand
We sailed from Durrës to Sazan in five hours. This is a very fine harbour. Sazan is a small island belonging to the Turks. There are two little Greek chapels on it, one to our Blessed Lady and the other to Saint Nicholas. At the present time, the great lord of the Turks has some very fine stallions grazing on this island. To the left side of the harbour, on the mainland is a very fine, large village called Velona (Vlora), which has two thousand homes. This village is able to provide the Turkish emperor with seven hundred horsemen for war, not to mention foot soldiers. Above this village is a fine castle called Kano (Kanina), in which the Turkish emperor has an official in residence. Here in Vlora is a large river of fresh water called the Buyona (Buna) (2), which flows from Turkey from the north and enters the sea here. It comes from Sckuterym (Shkodra), a large fortified town which the Turkish emperor took from Venetian rule a few years ago. Here in Sazan there is a large harbour in which the Turks always have many vessels. Fourteen years ago, the Turks sailed across the gulf from this harbour fifty Lombard miles in some six hours to Apulia and Calabria, which belong to the King of Naples. They captured the fine and large town of Idrontum (Otranto) and many other towns, which they held for a year and a day. In this region there is a large, high mountain. From Sazan to Corfoin (Corfu) we sailed with a good wind. This island is subject to the Venetians and is about one hundred and eighty Italian miles wide. On this island is the town of Corfu and a good harbour, which we sailed into. Above the town there are two castles which protect it. The Greek language is spoken in this town.
(1)
cf. V. Honemann, Zur Lieferung der Reisebeschreibung Arnold von Harffs. in: Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum und deutsche Literatur, 107 1978, p. 165-178; A. Hetzer, Wie ist Arnold von Harffs Wörterverzeichnis (1496) zu lesen? in: Balkan-Archiv, Neue Folge, Hamburg, 6 (1981), p. 227-262; R. Elsie, The Albanian lexicon of Arnold von Harff, 1497. in: Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Sprachforschung, Göttingen, 97,1 (1984), p. 113-122; H. Beckers, Zu den Fremdalphabeten und Fremdsprachproben im Reisebericht Arnold von Harff (1496-1498). in: Collectanea Philologica. Festschrift für Helmut Gipper, vol. 1, Baden-Baden (1985), p. 73-86; E. von Groote, Die Pilgerfahrt des Ritters Arnold von Harff von Cöln durch Italien, Syrien, Ägypten, Arabien, Äthiopien, Nubien, Palästina, die Türkei, Frankreich und Spanien, wie er sie in den Jahren 1496 bis 1499 vollendet, beschrieben und durch Zeichnungen erläutert hat. Cologne (1860); and M. Letts, The Pilgrimage of Arnold von Harff… Translated from the German and edited with notes and an introduction by Malcolm Letts, London 1946, reprint 1947.
(2)
The Buna, flowing from Shkodra, is of course nowhere near Vlora. The author may have meant the Vjosa river.
[Extract from: E. von Groote (ed.): Die Pilgerfahrt des Ritters Arnold von Harff von Cöln durch Italien, Syrien, Aegypten, Arabien, Aethiopien, Nubien, Palästina, die Türkei, Frankreich und Spanien, wie er sie in den Jahren 1496 bis 1499 vollendet, beschrieben und durch Zeichnungen erläutert hat, Cologne 1860, p. 64 66. Translated from the German by Robert Elsie. Published in R. Elsie: Early Albania, a Reader of Historical Texts, 11th - 17th Centuries, Wiesbaden 2003, p. 31-33.]
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